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Paul M. BRANZBURG, Petitioner, v. John P. HAYES, Judge, etc.,
et al.In the Matter of Paul PAPPAS, Petitioner.
UNITED STATES, Petitioner,
v.
Earl CALDWELL.
408 U.S. 665, 92 S.Ct. 2646, 33 L.Ed.2d 626, 1 Media L. Rep.
2617
Nos. 70--85, 70--94, 70--57.
Supreme Court of the United States
Argued Feb. 22, 23, 1972
Decided June 29, 1972.
Opinion of the Court by Mr. Justice WHITE, announced by THE
CHIEF JUSTICE.
[1] The issue in these cases is whether requiring newsmen
to appear and testify before state or federal grand juries abridges
the freedom of speech **2650 and press guaranteed by the First
Amendment. We hold that it does not.
The writ of certiorari in No. 70--85, Branzburg v. Hayes and
Meigs, brings before us two judgments of the Kentucky Court of
Appeals, both involving petitioner Branzburg, a staff reporter
for the Courier-Journal, a daily newspaper published in Louisville,
Kentucky.
On November 15, 1969, the Courier-Journal carried a story
under petitioner's by-line describing in detail his observations
of two young residents of Jefferson County synthesizing hashish
from marihuana, an activity which, they asserted, earned them
about $5,000 in three weeks. The article included a photograph
of a pair of hands working above a laboratory table on which
was a substance identified by the caption as hashish. The article
stated that petitioner had promised not to *668 reveal the identity
of the two hashish makers. [FN1] Petitioner was shortly subpoenaed
by the Jefferson County grand jury; he appeared, but refused
to identify the individuals he had seen possessing marihuana
or the persons he had seen making hashish from marihuana. [FN2]
A state trial court judge [FN3] ordered petitioner to answer
these questions and rejected his contention that the Kentucky
reporters' privilege statute, Ky.Rev.Stat. s 421.100 (1962),
[FN4] the First Amendment of the United States Constitution,
or ss 1, 2 and 8 of the Kentucky Constitution authorized his
refusal to answer. Petitioner then sought prohibition and mandamus
in the Kentucky Court of Appeals on the same grounds, but the
Court of Appeals denied the petition. Branzburg v. *669 Pound,
461 S.W.2d 345 (1970), as modified on denial of rehearing, Jan.
22, 1971. It held that petitioner had abandoned his First Amendment
argument in a supplemental memorandum he had filed and tacitly
rejected his argument based on the Kentucky Constitution. It
also construed Ky.Rev.Stat. s 421.100 as affording a newsman
the privilege of refusing to divulge the identity of an informant
who supplied him with information, but held that the statute
did not permit a reporter to refuse to testify about events he
had observed personally, including the identities of those persons
he had observed.
FN1. The article contained the following paragraph: "I
don't know why I'm letting you do this story,' (one informant)
said quietly. 'To make the narcs (narcotics detectives) mad,
I guess. That's the main reason.' However, Larry and his partner
asked for and received a promise that their names would be changed.'
App. 3--4.
FN2. The Foreman of the grand jury reported that petitioner
Branzburg had refused to answer the following two questions:
'#1. On November 12, or 13, 1969, who was the person or persons
you observed in possession of Marijuana, about which you wrote
an article in the Courier-Journal on November 15, 1969? #2. On
Novebmer 12, or 13, 1969, who was the person or persons you observed
compounding Marijuana, producing same to a compound known as
Hashish?' App. 6.
FN3. Judge J. Miles Pound. The respondent in this case, Hon.
John P. Hayes, is the successor of Judge Pound.
FN4. Ky.Rev.Stat. s 421.100 provides:
'No person shall be compelled to disclose in any legal proceeding
or trial before any court, or before any grand or petit jury,
or before the presiding officer of any tribunal, or his agent
or agents, or before the General Assembly, or any committee thereof,
or before any city or county legislative body, or any committee
thereof, or elsewhere, the source of any information procured
or obtained by him, and published in a newspaper or by a radio
or television broadcasting station by which he is engaged or
employed, or with which he is connected.'
The second case involving petitioner Branzburg arose out of
his later story published on January 10, 1971, which described
in detail the use of drugs in Frankfort, Kentucky. The article
reported that in order to provide a comprehensive survey of the
'drug scene' in Frankfort, petitioner had 'spent two weeks interviewing
several dozen drug users in the capital city' and had seen some
of them smoking marihuana. A number of conversations with and
observations of several unnamed drug users were recounted. Subpoenaed
to appear before a Franklin County grand jury 'to testify in
the matter of violation of statutes concerning **2651 use and
sale of drugs,' petitioner Branzburg moved to quash the summons;
[FN5] the motion was denied, although *670 an order was issued
protecting Branzburg from revealing 'confidential associations,
sources or information' but requiring that he 'answer any questions
which concern or pertain to any criminal act, the commission
of which was actually observed by (him).' Prior to the time he
was slated to appear before the grand jury, petitioner sought
mandamus and prohibition from the Kentucky Court of Appeals,
arguing that if he were forced to go before the grand jury or
to answer questions regarding the identity of informants or disclose
information given to him in confidence, his effectiveness as
a reporter would be greatly damaged. The Court of Appeals once
again denied the requested writs, reaffirming its construction
of Ky.Rev.Stat. s 421.100, and rejecting petitioner's claim of
a First Amendment privilege. It distinguished Caldwell v. United
States, 434 F.2d 1081 (CA9 1970), and it also announced its 'misgivings'
about that decision, asserting that it represented 'a drastic
departure from the generally recognized rule that the sources
of information of a newspaper reporter are not privileged under
the First Amendment.' It characterized petitioner's fear that
his ability to obtain *671 news would be destroyed as 'so tenuous
that it does not, in the opinion of this court, present an issue
of abridgement of the freedom of the press within the meaning
of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States.'
FN5. Petitioner's Motion to Quash argued: 'If Mr. Branzburg
were required to disclose these confidences to the Grand Jury,
or any other person, he would thereby destroy the relationship
of trust which he presently enjoys with those in the drug culture.
They would refuse to speak to him; they would become even more
reluctant than they are now to speak to any newsman; and the
news media would thereby vitally hampered in their ability to
cover the views and activities of those involved in the drug
culture.
'The inevitable effect of the subpoena issued to Mr. Branzburg,
if it not be quashed by this Court, will be to suppress vital
First Amendment freedoms of Mr. Branzburg, of the Courier-Journal,
of the news media, and of those involved in the drug culture
by driving a wedge of distrust and silence between the news media
and the drug culture. This Court should not sanction a use of
its process entailing so drastic an incursion upon First Amendment
freedoms in the absence of compelling Commonwealth interest in
requiring Mr. Branzburg's apearance before the Grand Jury. It
is insufficient merely to protect Mr. Branzburg's right to silence
after he appears before the Grand Jury. This Court should totally
excuse Mr. Branzburg from responding to the subpoena and even
entering the Grand Jury room. Once Mr. Branzburg is required
to go behind the closed doors of the Grand Jury room, his effectiveness
as a reporter in these areas is totally destroyed. The secrecy
that surrounds Grand Jury testimony necessarily introduces uncertainties
in the minds of those who fear a betrayal of their confidences.'
App. 43--44.
[2] Petitioner sought a writ of certiorari to review both
judgments of the Kentucky Court of Appeals, and we granted the
writ. [FN6] 402 U.S. 942, 91 S.Ct. 1616, 29 L.Ed.2d 109 (1971).
FN6. After the Kentucky Court of Appeals' decision in Branzburg
v. Meigs was announced, petitioner filed a rehearing motion in
Branzburg v. Pound suggesting that the court had not passed upon
his First Amendment argument and calling to the court's attention
the recent Ninth Circuit decision in Caldwell v. United States,
434 F.2d 1081 (1970). On Jan. 22, 1971, the court denied petitioner's
motion and filed an amended opinion in the case, adding a footnote,
461 S.W.2d 345, at 346 n. 1, to indicate that petitioner had
abandoned his First Amendment argument and elected to rely wholly
on Ky.Rev.Stat. s 421.100 when he filed a Supplemental Memorandum
before oral argument. In his Petition for Prohibition and Mandamus,
petitioner had clearly relied on the First Amendment, and he
had filed his Supplemental Memorandum in response to the State's
Memorandum in Opposition to the granting of the writs. As its
title indicates, this Memorandum was complementary to petitioner's
earlier Petition, and it dealt primarily with the State's construction
of the phrase 'source of any information' in Ky.Rev.Stat. s 421.100.
The passage that the Kentucky Court of Appeals cited to indicate
abandonment of petitioner's First Amendment claim is as follows:
'Thus, the controversy continues as to whether a newsman's
source of information should be privileged. However, that question
is not before the Court in this case. The Legislature of Kentucky
has settled the issue, having decided that a newsman's source
of information is to be privileged. Because of this there is
no point in citing Professor Wigmore and other authorities who
speak against the grant of such a privilege. The question has
been many times debated, and the Legislature has spoken. The
only question before the Court is the construction of the term
'source of information' as it was intended by the Legislature.'
Though the passage itself is somewhat unclear, the surrounding
discussion indicates that petitioner was asserting here that
the question of whether a common-law privilege should be recognized
was irrelevant since the legislature had already enacted a statute.
In his earlier discussion, petitioner had analyzed certain cases
in which the First Amendment argument was made but indicated
that it was not necessary to reach this question if the statutory
phrase 'source of any information' were interpreted expansively.
We do not interpret this discussion as indicating that petitioner
was abandoning his First Amendment claim if the Kentucky Court
of Appeals did not agree with his statutory interpretation argument,
and we hold that the constitutional question in Branzburg v.
Pound was properly preserved for review.
*672 In re Pappas, No. 70--94, originated when petitioner
Pappas, a television newsman-photographer working out of the
Providence, Rhode Island, office of a New Bedford, Massachusetts,
television station, was called to New Bedford on July 30, 1970,
to report on civil disorders there which involved fires and other
turmoil. He intended to cover a Black Panther news conference
at that group's headquarters in a boarded-up store. Petitioner
found the streets around the store barricaded, but he ultimately
gained entrance to the area and recorded and photographed a prepared
statement read by one of the Black Panther leaders at about 3
p.m. [**2652 FN7] He then asked for and received permission to
re-enter the area. Returning at about 9 o'clock, he was allowed
to enter and remain inside Panther headquarters. As a condition
of entry, Pappas agreed not to disclose anything he saw or heard
inside the store except an anticipated police raid, which Pappas,
'on his own,' was free to photograph and report as he wished.
Pappas stayed inside the headquarters for about three hours,
but there was no police raid, and petitioner wrote no story and
did not otherwise reveal what had occurred in the store while
he was there. Two months later, petitioner was summoned before
the Bristol *673 County Grand Jury and appeared, answered questions
as to his name, address, employment, and what he had seen and
heard outside Pantherheadquarters, but refused to answer any
questions about what had taken place inside headquarters while
he was there, claiming that the First Amendment afforded him
a privilege to protect confidential informants and their information.
A second summons was then served upon him, again directing him
to appear before the grand jury and 'to give such evidence as
he knows relating to any matters which may be inquired of on
behalf of the Commonwealth before . . . the Grand Jury.' His
motion to quash on First Amendment and other grounds was denied
by the trial judge who, noting the absence of a statutory newsman's
privilege in Massachusetts, ruled that petitioner had no constitutional
privilege to refuse to divulge to the grand jury what he had
seen and heard, including the identity of persons he had observed.
The case was reported for decision to the Supreme Judicial Court
of Massachusetts. [FN8] The record there did not include a transcript
of the hearing **2653 on the motion to quash, nor did it reveal
the specific questions petitioner had refused to answer, the
expected nature of his testimony, the nature of the grand jury
investigation, or the likelihood of the grand jury's securing
the information it sought from petitioner by other means. [FN9]
The *674 Supreme Judicial Court, however, took 'judicial notice
that in July, 1970, there were serious civil disorders in New
Bedford, which involved street barricades, exclusion of the public
from certain streets, fires, and similar turmoil. We were told
at the arguments that there was gunfire in certain streets. We
assume that the grand jury investigation was an appropriate effort
to discover and indict those responsible for criminal acts.'
358 Mass. 604, 607, 266 N.E.2d 297, 299 (1971). The court then
reaffirmed prior Massachusetts holdings that testimonial privileges
were 'exceptional' and 'limited,' stating that '(t)he principle
that the public 'has a right to every man's evidence" had
usually been preferred, in the Commonwealth, to countervailing
interests. Ibid. The court rejected the holding of the Ninth
Circuit in Caldwell v. United States, supra, and 'adhere(d) to
the view that there exists no constitutional newsman's privilege,
either qualified or absolute, to refuse to appear and testify
before a court or grand jury.' [FN10] 358 Mass., at 612, 266
N.E.2d, at 302--303. Any adverse effect upon the free dissemination
of news by virtue of petitioner's being called to testify was
deemed to be only 'indirect, theoretical, and uncertain.' Id.,
at 612, 266 N.E.2d, at 302. The court concluded that '(t)he obligation
of newsmen . . . is that of every citizen . . . to appear when
summoned, with relevant written or other material when required,
and to answer relevant and reasonable inquiries.' Id., at 612,
266 N.E.2d, at 303. The court nevertheless noted that grand juries
were subject to supervision by the presiding *675 judge, who
had the duty 'to prevent oppressive, unnecessary, irrelevant,
and other improper inquiry and investigation,' ibid., to insure
that a witness' Fifth Amendment rights were not infringed, and
to assess the propriety, necessity, and pertinence of the probable
testimony to the investigation in progress. [FN11] The burden
was deemed to be on the witness to establish the impropriety
of the summons or the questions asked. The denial of the motion
to quash was affirmed and we granted a writ of certiorari to
petitioner Pappas. 402 U.S. 942, 91 S.Ct. 1619, 29 L.Ed.2d 110
(1971).
FN7. Petitioner's news films of this event were made available
to the Bristol County District Attorney. App. 4.
FN8. The case was reported by the superior court directly
to the Supreme Judicial Court for an interlocutory ruling under
Mass.Gen.Laws, c. 278, s 30A and Mass.Gen.Laws, c. 231, s 111
(1959). The Supreme Judicial Court's decision appears at 358
Mass. 604, 266 N.E.2d 297 (1971).
FN9. 'We do not have before us the text of any specific questions
which Pappas has refused to answer before the grand jury, or
any petition to hold him for contempt for his refusal. We have
only general statements concerning (a) the inquiries of the grand
jury, and (b) the materiality of the testimony sought from Pappas.
The record does not show the expected nature of his testimony
or what likelihood there is of being able to obtain that testimony
from persons other than news gatherers.' 358 Mass., at 606--607,
266 N.E.2d, at 299 (footnote omitted).
FN10. The court expressly declined to consider, however, appearances
of newsmen before legislative or administrative bodies. Id.,
at 612 n. 10, 266 N.E.2d, at 303 n. 10.
FN11. The court noted that 'a presiding judge may consider
in his discretion' the argument that the use of newsmen as witnesses
is likely to result in unnecessary or burdensome use of their
work product, id., at 614 n. 13, 266 N.E.2d, at 304 n. 13, and
cautioned that: 'We do not suggest that a general investigation
of mere political or group association of persons, without substantial
relation to criminal events, may not be viewed by a judge in
a somewhat different manner from an investigation of particular
criminal events concerning which a newsman may have knowledge.'
Id., at 614 n. 14, 266 N.E.2d, at 304 n. 14.
United States v. Caldwell, No. 70--57, arose from subpoenas
issued by a federal grand jury in the Northern District of California
to respondent Earl Caldwell, a reporter for the New York Times
assigned to cover the Black Panther Party and other black militant
groups. A subpoena duces tecum was served on respondent on February
2, 1970, ordering him to appear before the grand jury to testify
and to bring with him notes and tape recordings of interviews
given him for publication by officers and spokesmen of the Black
Panther Party concerning the aims, purposes, and activities **2654
of that organization. [FN12] Respondent objected to the scope
*676 of this subpoena, and an agreement between his counsel and
the Government attorneys resulted in a continuance. A second
subpoena, served on March 16, omitted the documentary requirement
and simply ordered Caldwell 'to appear . . . to testify before
the Grand Jury.' Respondent and his employer, the New York Times,
[FN13] moved to quash on the ground that the unlimited breadth
of the subpoenas and the fact that Caldwell would have to appear
in secret before the grand jury would destroy his working relationship
with the Black Panther Party and 'suppress vital First Amendment
freedoms . . . by driving a wedge of distrust and silence between
the news media and the militants.' App. 7. Respondent argued
that 'so drastic an incursion upon First Amendment freedoms'
should not be permitted 'in the absence of a compelling governmental
interest--not shown here--in requiring Mr. Caldwell's appearance
before the grand jury.' Ibid. The motion was supported by amicus
curiae memoranda from other publishing concerns and by affidavits
from newsmen asserting the unfavorable impact on news sources
of requiring reporters to appear before grand juries. The Government
filed three memoranda in opposition to the motion to quash, each
supported by affidavits. These documents stated that the grand
jury was investigating, among other things, possible violations
of a number of criminal statutes, including 18 U.S.C. s 871 (threats
against the President), 18 U.S.C. *677 s 1751 (assassination,
attempts to assassinate, conspiracy to assassinate the President),
18 U.S.C. s 231 (civil disorders), 18 U.S.C. s 2101 (interstate
travel to incite a riot), and 18 U.S.C. s 1341 (mail frauds and
swindles). It was recited that on November 15, 1969, an officer
of the Black Panther Party made a publicly televised speech in
which he had declared that '(w)e will kill Richard Nixon' and
that this threat had been repeated in three subsequent issues
of the Party newspaper. App. 66, 77. Also referred to were various
writings by Caldwell about the Black Panther Party, including
an article published in the New York Times on December 14, 1969,
stating that '(i)n their role as the vanguard in a revolutionary
struggle the Panthers have picked up guns,' and quoting the Chief
of Staff of the Party as declaring that: 'We advocate the very
direct overthrow of the Government by way of force and violence.
By picking up guns and moving against it because we recognize
it as being oppressive and in recognizing that we know that the
only solution to it is armed struggle (sic).' App. 62. The Government
also stated that the Chief of Staff of the Party had been indicted
by the grand jury on December 3, 1969, for uttering threats against
the life of the President in violation of 18 U.S.C. s 871 and
that various efforts had been made to secure evidence of crimes
under investigation through the immunization of persons allegedly
associated with the Black Panther Party.
FN12. The subpoena ordered production of '(n)otes and tape
recordings of interviews covering the period from January 1,
1969, to date, reflecting statements made for publication by
officers and spokesmen for the Black Panther Party concerning
the aims and purposes of said organization and the activities
of said organization, its officers, staff, personnel, and members,
including specifically but not limited to interviews given by
David Hilliard and Raymond 'Masai' Hewitt.' App. 20.
FN13. The New York Times was granted standing to intervene
as a party on the motion to quash the subpoenas. Application
of Caldwell, 311 F.Supp. 358, 359 (ND Cal. 1970). It did not
file an appeal from the District Court's contempt citation, and
it did not seek certiorari here. It has filed an amicus curiae
brief, however.
**2655 On April 6, the District Court denied the motion to
quash, Application of Caldwell, 311 F.Supp. 358 (NDCal.1970),
on the ground that 'every person within the jurisdiction of the
government' is bound to testify upon being properly summoned.
Id., at 360 (emphasis in original). Nevertheless, the court accepted
respondent's First Amendment arguments to the extent of issuing
a protective order providing that although respondent had to
divulge *678 whatever information had been given to him for publication,
he 'shall not be required to reveal confidential associations,
sources or information received, developed or maintained by him
as a professional journalist in the course of his efforts to
gather news for dissemination to the public through the press
or other news media.' The court held that the First Amendment
afforded respondent a privilege to refuse disclosure of such
confidential information until there had been 'a showing by the
Government of a compelling and overriding national interest in
requiring Mr. Caldwell's testimony which cannot be served by
any alternative means.' Id., at 362.
Subsequently, [FN14] the term of the grand jury expired, a
new grand jury was convened, and a new subpoena ad testificandum
was issued and served on May 22, 1970. A new motion to quash
by respondent and memorandum in opposition by the Government
were filed, and, by stipulation of the parties, the motion was
submitted on the prior record. The court denied the motion to
quash, repeating the protective provisions in its prior order
but this time directing Caldwell to appear before the grand jury
pursuant to the May 22 subpoena. Respondent refused to appear
before the grand jury, and the court issued an order to show
cause why he should not be held in contempt. Upon his further
refusal to go before the grand jury, respondent was ordered committed
for contempt until such time as he complied with the court's
order or until the expiration of the term of the grand jury.
FN14. Respondent appealed from the District Court's April
6 denial of his motion to quash on April 17, 1970, and the Government
moved to dismiss that appeal on the ground that the order was
interlocutory. On May 12, 1970, the Ninth Circuit dismissed the
appeal without opinion.
*679 Respondent Caldwell appealed the contempt order, [FN15]
and the Court of Appeals reversed. Caldwell v. United States,
434 F.2d 1081 (CA9 1970). Viewing the issue before it as whether
Caldwell was required to appear before the grand jury at all,
rather than the scope of permissible interrogation, the court
first determined that the First Amendment provided a qualified
testimonial privilege to newsmen; in its view, requiring a reporter
like Caldwell to testify would deter his informants from communicating
with him in the future and would cause him to censor his writings
in an effort to avoid being subpoenaed. Absent compelling reasons
for requiring his testimony, he was held privileged to withhold
it. The court also held, for similar First Amendment reasons,
that, absent some special showing of necessity by the Government,
attendance by Caldwell at a secret meeting of the grand jury
was something he was privileged to refuse because of the potential
impact of such an appearance on the flow of news to the public.
We granted the United States' petition for certiorari. [FN16]
402 U.S. 942, 91 S.Ct. 1616, 29 L.Ed.2d 109 (1971).
FN15. The Government did not file a cross-appeal and did not
challenge the validity of the District Court protective order
in the Court of Appeals.
FN16. The petition presented a single question: 'Whether a
newspaper reporter who has published articles about an organization
can, under the First Amendment, properly refuse to appear before
a grand jury investigating possible crimes by members of that
organization who have been quoted in the published articles.'
II
Petitioners Branzburg and Pappas and respondent Caldwell press
First Amendment claims that may be simply put: that to gather
news it is often necessary **2656 to agree either not to identify
the source of information published or to publish only part of
the facts revealed, or both; that if the reporter is nevertheless
*680 forced to reveal these confidences to a grand jury, the
source so identified and other confidential sources of other
reporters will be measurably deterred from furnishing publishable
information, all to the detriment of the free flow of information
protected by the First Amendment. Although the newsmen in these
cases do not claim an absolute privilege against official interrogation
in all circumstances, they assert that the reporter should not
be forced either to appear or to testify before a grand jury
or at trial until and unless sufficient grounds are shown for
believing that the reporter possesses information relevant to
a crime the grand jury is investigating, that the information
the reporter has is unavailable from other sources, and that
the need for the information is sufficiently compelling to overide
the claimed invasion of First Amendment interests occasioned
by the disclosure. Principally relied upon are prior cases emphasizing
the importance of the First Amendment guarantees to individual
development and to our system of representative government, [FN17]
decisions requiring that official action with adverse impact
on First Amendment rights be justified by a public interest that
is 'compelling' or 'paramount,' [FN18] and those precedents establishing
the principle that justifiable governmental goals may not be
achieved by unduly broad means having an unnecessary impact *681
on protected rights of speech, press, or association. [FN19]
The heart of the claim is that the burden on news gathering resulting
from compelling reporters to disclose confidential information
outweighs any public interest in obtaining the information. [FN20]
FN17. Curtis Publishing Co. v. Butts, 388 U.S. 130, 145, 87
S.Ct. 1975, 1986, 18 L.Ed.2d 1094 (1967) (opinion of Harlan,
J.); New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 270, 84 S.Ct.
710, 720, 11 L.Ed.2d 686 (1964); Talley v. California, 362 U.S.
60, 64--65, 80 S.Ct. 536, 538--539, 4 L.Ed.2d 559 (1960); Bridges
v. California, 314 U.S. 252, 263, 62 S.Ct. 190, 194, 86 L.Ed.
192 (1941); Grosjean v. American Press Co., 297 U.S. 233, 250,
56 S.Ct. 444, 449, 80 L.Ed. 660 (1936); Near v. Minnesota, 283
U.S. 697, 722, 51 S.Ct. 625, 633, 75 L.Ed. 1357 (1931).
FN18. NAACP v. Button, 371 U.S. 415, 439, 83 S.Ct. 328, 341,
9 L.Ed.2d 405 (1963); Thomas v. Collins, 323 U.S. 516, 530, 65
S.Ct. 315, 322, 89 L.Ed. 430 (1945); DeGregory v. Attorney General
of New Hampshire, 383 U.S. 825, 829, 86 S.Ct. 1148, 1151, 16
L.Ed.2d 292 (1966); Bates v. Little Rock, 361 U.S. 516, 524,
80 S.Ct. 412, 417, 4 L.Ed.2d 480 (1960); Schneider v. State,
308 U.S. 147, 161, 60 S.Ct. 146, 150, 84 L.Ed. 155 (1939); NAACP
v. Alabama, 357 U.S. 449, 464, 78 S.Ct. 1163, 1173, 2 L.Ed.2d
1488 (1958).
FN19. Freedman v. Maryland, 380 U.S. 51, 56, 85 S.Ct. 734,
737, 13 L.Ed.2d 649 (1965); NAACP v. Alabama, 377 U.S. 288, 307,
84 S.Ct. 1302, 1313, 12 L.Ed.2d 325 (1964); Martin v. City of
Struthers, 319 U.S. 141, 147, 63 S.Ct. 862, 865, 87 L.Ed. 1313
(1943); Elfbrandt v. Russell, 384 U.S. 11, 18, 86 S.Ct. 1238,
1241, 16 L.Ed.2d 321 (1966).
FN20. There has been a great deal of writing in recent years
on the existence of a newsman's constitutional right of nondisclosure
of confidential information. See, e.g., Beaver, The Newsman's
Code, The Claim of Privilege and Everyman's Right to Evidence,
47 Ore.L.Rev. 243 (1968); Guest & Stanzler, The Constitutional
Argument for Newsmen Concealing Their Sources, 64 Nw.U.L.Rev.
18 (1969); Note, Reporters and Their Sources: The Constitutional
Right to a Confidential Relationship, 80 Yale L.J. 317 (1970);
Comment, The Newsman's Privilege: Government Investigations,
Criminal Prosecutions and Private Litigation, 58 Calif.L.Rev.
1198 (1970); Note, The Right of the Press to Gather Information,
71 Col.L.Rev. 838 (1971); Nelson, The Newsmen's Privilege Against
Disclosure of Confidential Sources and Information, 24 Vand.L.Rev.
667 (1971).
We do not question the significance of free speech, press,
or assembly to the country's welfare. Nor is it suggested that
news gathering does not quality for First Amendment protection;
without some protection for seeking out the news, freedom of
the press could be eviscerated. But these cases involve no intrusions
**2657 upon speech or assemby, no prior restraint or restriction
on what the press may publish, and no express or implied command
that the press publish what it prefers to withhold. No exaction
or tax for the privilege of publishing, and no penalty, civil
or criminal, related to the content of published material is
at issue here. The use of confidential sources by the press is
not forbidden or restricted; reporters remain free to seek news
from *682 any source by means within the law. No attempt is made
to require the press to publish its sources of information or
indiscriminately to disclose them on request.
[3][4] The sole issue before us is the obligation of reporters
to respond to grand jury subpoenas as other citizens do and to
answer questions relevant to an investigation into the commission
of crime. Citizens generally are not constitutionally immune
from grand jury subpoenas; and neither the First Amendment nor
any other constitutional provision protects the average citizen
from disclosing to a grand jury information that he has received
in confidence. [FN21] The claim is, however, that reporters are
exempt from these obligations because if forced to respond to
subpoenas and identify their sources or disclose other confidences,
their informants will refuse or be reluctant to furnish newsworthy
information in the future. This asserted burden on news gathering
is said to make compelled testimony from newsmen constitutionally
suspect and to require a privileged position for them.
FN21. 'In general, then, the mere fact that a communication
was made in express confidence, or in the implied confidence
of a confidential relation, does not create a privilege.
'. . . No pledge of privacy nor oath of secrecy can avail
against demand for the truth in a court of justice.' 8 J. Wigmore,
Evidence s 2286 (McNaughton rev. 1961). This was not always the
rule at common law, however. In 17th century England, the obligations
of honor among gentlemen were occasionally recognized as privileging
from compulsory disclosure information obtained in exchange for
a promise of confidence. See Bulstrod v. Letchmere, 2 Freem.
6, 22 Eng.Rep. 1019 (1676); Lord Grey's Trial, 9 How.St.Tr. 127
(1682).
[5] It is clear that the First Amendment does not invalidate
every incidental burdening of the press that may result from
the enforcement of civil or criminal statutes of general applicability.
Under prior cases, otherwise valid laws serving substantial public
interests may be enforced against the press as against others,
despite *683 the possible burden that may be imposed. The Court
has emphasized that '(t)he publisher of a newspaper has no special
immunity from the application of general laws. He has no special
privilege to invade the rights and liberties of others.' Associated
Press v. NLRB, 301 U.S. 103, 132--133, 57 S.Ct. 650, 656, 81
L.Ed. 953 (1937). It was there held that the Associated Press,
a news-gathering and disseminating organization, was not exempt
from the requirements of the National Labor Relations Act. The
holding was reaffirmed in Oklahoma Press Publishing Co. v. Walling,
327 U.S. 186, 192--193, 66 S.Ct. 494, 497--498, 90 L.Ed. 614
(1946), where the Court rejected the claim that applying the
Fair Labor Standards Act to a newspaper publishing business would
abridge the freedom of press guaranteed by the First Amendment.
See also Mabee v. White Plains Publishing Co., 327 U.S. 178,
66 S.Ct. 511, 90 L.Ed. 607 (1946). Associated Press v. United
States, 326 U.S. 1, 65 S.Ct. 1416, 89 L.Ed. 2013 (1945), similarly
overruled assertions that the First Amendment precluded application
of the Sherman Act to a news-gathering and disseminating organization.
Cf. Indiana Farmer's Guide Publishing Co. v. Prairie Farmer Publishing
Co., 293 U.S. 268, 276, 55 S.Ct. 182, 184, 79 L.Ed. 356 (1934);
Citizen Publishing Co. v. United States, 394 U.S. 131, 139, 89
S.Ct. 927, 931, 22 L.Ed.2d 148 (1969); Lorain Journal Co. v.
United States, 342 U.S. 143, 155--156, 72 S.Ct. 181, 187--188,
96 L.Ed. 162 (1951). Likewise, a newspaper may be subjected to
nondiscriminatory forms of general taxation. Grosjean v. American
Press Co., 297 U.S. **2658 233, 250, 56 S.Ct. 444, 449, 80 L.Ed.
660 (1936); Murdock v. Pennsylvania, 319 U.S. 105, 112, 63 S.Ct.
870, 874, 87 L.Ed. 1292 (1943).
The prevailing view is that the press is not free to publish
with impunity everything and anything it desires to publish.
Although it may deter orregulate what is said or published, the
press may not circulate knowing or reckless falsehoods damaging
to private reputation without subjecting itself to liability
for damages, including punitive damages, or even criminal prosecution.
See New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, *684 279--280,
84 S.Ct. 710, 725--726, 11 L.Ed.2d 686 (1964); Garrison v. Louisiana,
379 U.S. 64, 74, 85 S.Ct. 209, 215, 13 L.Ed.2d 125 (1964); Curtis
Publishing Co. v. Butts, 388 U.S. 130, 147, 87 S.Ct. 1975, 1987,
18 L.Ed.2d 1094 (1967) (opinion of Harlan, J.,); Monitor Patriot
Co. v. Roy, 401 U.S. 265, 277, 91 S.Ct. 621, 628, 28 L.Ed.2d
35 (1971). A newspaper or a journalist may also be punished for
contempt of court, in appropriate circumstances. Craig v. Harney,
331 U.S. 367, 377--378, 67 S.Ct. 1249, 1255--1256, 91 L.Ed. 1546
(1947).
[6] It has generally been held that the First Amendment does
not guarantee the press a constitutional right of special access
to information not available to the public generally. Zemel v.
Rusk, 381 U.S. 1, 16--17, 85 S.Ct. 1271, 1280--1281, 14 L.Ed.2d
179 (1965); New York Times Co. v. United States, 403 U.S. 713,
728--730, 91 S.Ct. 2140, 2148--2149, 29 L.Ed.2d 822 (1971), (Stewart,
J., concurring); Tribune Review Publishing Co. v. Thomas, 254
F.2d 883, 885 (CA3 1958); In the Matter of United Press Assns.
v. Valente, 308 N.Y. 71, 77, 123 N.E.2d 777, 778 (1954). In Zemel
v. Rusk, supra, for example, the Court sustained the Government's
refusal to validate passports to Cuba even though that restriction
'render(ed) less than wholly free the flow of information concerning
that country.' 381 U.S., at 16, 85 S.Ct., at 1281. The ban on
travel was held constitutional, for '(t)he right to speak and
publish does not carry with it the unrestrained right to gather
information.' Id., at 17, 85 S.Ct., at 1281. [FN22]
FN22. 'There are few restrictions on action which could not
be clothed by ingenious argument in the garb of decreased data
flow. For example, the prohibition of unauthorized entry into
the White House diminishes the citizen's opportunities to gather
information he might find relevant to his opinion of the way
the country is being run, but that does not make entry into the
White House a First Amendment right.' 381 U.S., at 16--17, 85
S.Ct., at 1281.
Despite the fact that news gathering may be hampered, the
press is regularly excluded from grand jury proceedings, our
own conferences, the meetings of other official bodies gathered
in executive session, and the meetings of private organizations.
Newsmen have no constitutional right of access to the scenes
of crime or *685 disaster when the general public is excluded,
and they may be prohibited from attending or publishing information
about trials if such restrictions are necessary to assure a defendant
a fair trial before an impartial tribunal. In Sheppard v. Maxwell,
384 U.S. 333, 86 S.Ct. 1507, 16 L.Ed.2d 600 (1966), for example,
the Court reversed a state court conviction where the trial court
failed to adopt 'stricter rules governing the use of the courtroom
by newsmen, as Sheppard's counsel requested,' neglected to insulate
witnesses from the press, and made no 'effort to control the
release of leads, information, and gossip to the press by police
officers, witnesses, and the counsel for both sides.' Id., at
358, 359, 86 S.Ct., at 1520. '(T)he trial court might well have
proscribed extrajudicial statements by any lawyer, party, witness,
or court official which divulged prejudicial matters.' Id., at
361, 86 S.Ct., at 1521. See also Estes v. Texas, 381 U.S. 532,
539--540, 85 S.Ct. 1628, 1631--1632, 14 L.Ed.2d 543 (1965); Rideau
v. Louisiana, 373 U.S. 723, 726, 83 S.Ct. 1417, 1419, 10 L.Ed.2d
663 (1963).
It is thus not surprising that the great weight of authority
is that newsmen are not exempt from the normal duty of appearing
before a grand jury and answering questions relevant to a **2659
criminal investigation. At common law, courts consistently refused
to recognize the existence of any privilege authorizing a newsman
to refuse to reveal confidential information to a grand jury.
See, e.g., Ex parte Lawrence, 116 Cal. 298, 48 P. 124 (1897);
Plunkett v. Hamilton, 136 Ga. 72, 70 S.E. 781 (1911); Clein v.
State, 52 So.2d 117 (Fla.1950); In re Grunow, 84 N.J.L. 235,
85 A. 1011 (1913); People ex rel. Mooney v. Sheriff, 269 N.Y.
291, 199 N.E. 415 (1936); Joslyn v. People, 67 Colo. 297, 184
P. 375 (1919); Adams v. Associated Press, 46 F.R.D. 439 (SD Tex.
1969); Brewster v. Boston Herald-Traveler Corp., 20 F.R.D. 416
(D.C.Mass.1957). See generally Annot., 7 A.L.R.3d 591 (1966).
In 1958, a news gatherer asserted for the first time that the
First Amendment *686 exempted confidential information from public
disclosure pursuant to a subpoena issued in a civil suit, Garland
v. Torre, 259 F.2d 545 (CA2), cert. denied, 358 U.S. 910, 79
S.Ct. 237, 3 L.Ed.2d 231 (1958), but the claim was denied, and
this argument has been almost uniformly rejected since then although
there are occasional dicta that, in circumstances not presented
here, a newsman might be excused. In re Goodfader, 45 Haw. 317,
367 P.2d 472 (1961); In re Taylor, 412 Pa. 32, 193 A.2d 181 (1963);
State v. Buchanan, 250 Or. 244, 436 P.2d 729, cert. denied, 392
U.S. 905, 88 S.Ct. 2055, 20 L.Ed.2d 1363 (1968); Murphy v. Colorado
(No. 19604 Sup.Ct.Colo.), cert. denied, 365 U.S. 843, 81 S.Ct.
802, 5 L.Ed.2d 810 (1961) (unreported, discussed in In re Goodfader,
supra, 45 Haw., at 366, 367 P.2d, at 498 (Mizuha, J., dissenting)).
These courts have applied the presumption against the existence
of an asserted testimonial privilege, United States v. Bryan,
339 U.S. 323, 331, 70 S.Ct. 724, 730, 94 L.Ed. 884 (1950), and
have concluded that the First Amendment interest asserted by
the newsman was outweighed by the general obligation of a citizen
to appear before a grand jury or at trial, pursuant to a subpoena,
and give what information he possesses. The opinions of the state
courts in Branzburg and Pappas are typical of the prevailing
view, although a few recent cases, such as Caldwell, have recognized
and given effect to some form of constitutional newsman's privilege.
See State v. Knops, 49 Wis.2d 647, 183 N.W.2d 93 (1971) (dictum);
Alioto v. Cowles Communications, Inc., C.A. No. 52150 (ND Cal.1969);
In re Grand Jury Witnesses, 322 F.Supp. 573 (ND Cal.1970); People
v. Dohrn, Crim.No. 69--3808 (Cook County, Ill., Cir.Ct.1970).
[7][8][9] The prevailing constitutional view of the newsman's
privilege is very much rooted in the ancient role of the grand
jury that has the dual function of determining if there is probable
cause to believe that a crime has been committed and of protecting
citizens against unfounded *687 criminal prosecutions. [FN23]
Grand jury proceedings are constitutionally mandated for the
institution of federal criminal prosecutions for capital or other
serious crimes, and 'its constitutional prerogatives are rooted
in long centuries of Anglo-American history.' Hannah v. Larche,
363 U.S. 420, 489--490, 80 S.Ct. 1502, 1544, 4 L.Ed.2d 1307 (1960).
(Frankfurter, J., concurring in result). The Fifth Amendment
provides that '(n)o person shall be held to answer for a capital,
or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment
of a Grand Jury.' [FN24] The adoption **2660 of the grand jury
'in our Constitution as the sole method for preferring charges
in serious criminal cases shows the high place it held as an
instrument of justice.' Costello v. United States, 350 U.S. 359,
362, 76 S.Ct. 406, 408, 100 L.Ed. 397 (1956). Although state
systems of criminal procedure differ greatly among themselves,
the grand jury is similarly guaranteed by many state constitutions
and plays an important role in fair and effective law enforcement
in the overwhelming *688 majority of the States. [FN25] Because
its task is to inquire into the Existence of possible criminal
conduct and to return only well-founded indictments, its investigative
powers are necessarily broad. 'It is a grand inquest, a body
with powers of investigation and inquisition, the scope of whose
inquiries is not to be limited narrowly by questions of propriety
or forecasts of the probable result of the investigation, or
by doubts whether any particular individual will be found properly
subject to an accusation of crime.' Blair v. United States, 250
U.S. 273, 282, 39 S.Ct. 468, 471, 63 L.Ed. 979 (1919). Hence,
the grand jury's authority to subpoena witnesses is not only
historic, id., at 279--281, 39 S.Ct., at 470--471, but essential
to its task. Although the powers of the grand jury are not unlimited
and are subject to the supervision of a judge, the longstanding
principle that 'the public . . . has a right to every man's evidence,'
except for those persons protected by a constitutional, common-law,
or statutory privilege, United States v. Bryan, 339 U.S. 323,
331, 70 S.Ct. 724, 730, 94 L.Ed. 884 (1950); Blackmer v. United
States, 284 U.S. 421, 438, 52 S.Ct. 252, 255, 76 L.Ed. 375 (1932);
8 J. Wigmore, Evidence s 2192 (McNaughton rev. 1961), is particularly
applicable to grand jury proceedings. [FN26]
FN23. 'Historically, (the grand jury) has been regarded as
a primary security to the innocent against hasty, malicious and
oppressive persecution; it serves the invaluable function in
our society of standing between the accuser and the accused .
. . to determine whether a charge is founded upon reason or was
dictated by an intimidating power or by malice and personal ill
will.' Wood v. Georgia, 370 U.S. 375, 390, 82 S.Ct. 1364, 1373,
8 L.Ed.2d 569 (1962) (footnote omitted).
FN24. It has been held that 'infamous' punishments include
confinement at hard labor, United States v. Moreland, 258 U.S.
433, 42 S.Ct. 368, 66 L.Ed. 700 (1922); incarceration in a penitentiary,
Mackin v. United States, 117 U.S. 348, 6 S.Ct. 777, 29 L.Ed.
909 (1886); and imprisonment for more than a year, Barkman v.
Sanford, 162 F.2d 592 (CA5), cert. denied, 332 U.S. 816, 68 S.Ct.
155, 92 L.Ed. 393 (1947). Fed.Rule Crim.Proc. 7(a) has codified
these holdings: 'An offense which may be punished by death shall
be prosecuted by indictment. An offense which may be punished
by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year or at hard labor
shall be prosecuted by indictment, or, if indictment is waived,
it may be prosecuted by information. Any other offense may be
prosecuted by indictment or by information.'
FN25. Although indictment by grand jury is not part of the
due process of law guaranteed to state criminal defendants by
the Fourteenth Amendment, Hurtado v. California, 110 U.S. 516,
4 S.Ct. 111, 28 L.Ed. 232 (1884), a recent study reveals that
32 States require that certain kinds of criminal prosecutions
he initiated by indictment. Spain, the Grand Jury, Past and Present:
A Survey, 2 Am.Crim.L.Q. 119, 126--142 (1964). In the 18 States
in which the prosecutor may proceed by information, the grand
jury is retained as an alternative means of invoking the criminal
process and as an investigative tool. Ibid.
FN26. Jeremy Bentham vividly illustrated this maxim:
'Are men of the first rank and consideration--are men high
in office--men whose time is not less valuable to the public
than to themselves--are such men to be forced to quit their business,
their functions, and what is more than all, their pleasure, at
the beck of every idle or malicious adversary, to dance attendance
upon every petty cause? Yes, as far as it is necessary, they
and everybody. . . . Were the Prince of Wales, the Archbishop
of Canterbury, and the Lord High Chancellor, to be passing by
in the same coach, while a chimney-sweeper and a barrow-woman
were in dispute about a halfpennyworth of apples, and the chimney-sweeper
or the barrow- woman were to think proper to call upon them for
their evidence, could they refuse it? No, most certainly.' 4
The Works of Jeremy Bentham 320--321 (J. Bowring ed. 1843).
In United States v. Burr, 25 Fed.Cas. pp. 30, 34 (No. 14,692d)
(C.C.Va.1807), Chief Justice Marshall, sitting on Circuit, opined
that in proper circumstances a subpoena could be issued to the
President of the United States.
*689 A number of States have provided newsmen a statutory
pvivilege of varying breadth, [FN27] but the majority have not
**2661 done so, and none has been provided by federal statute.
[FN28] Until now the only testimonial privilege for unofficial
witnesses that is rooted in the Federal Constitution *690 is
the Fifth Amendment privilege against compelled self- incrimination.
We are asked to create another by interpreting the First Amendment
to grant newsmen a testimonial privilege that other citizens
do not enjoy. This we decline to do. [FN29] Fair and effective
law enforcement aimed at providing security for the person and
property of the individual is a fundamental function of government,
and the grand jury plays an important, constitutionally mandated
role in this process. On the records now before us, we perceive
no basis for holding that the public interest in law enforcement
and in ensuring effective grand jury proceedings is insufficient
to override the consequential, but uncertain, burden on news
gathering that is said to result from insisting that reporters,
like other citizens, respond to relevant *691 questions put to
them in the course of a valid grand jury investigation or criminal
trial.
FN27. Thus far, 17 States have provided some type of statutory
protection to a newsman's confidential sources:
Ala.Code, Tit. 7, s 370 (1960); Alaska Stat. s 09.25.150 (Supp.1971);
Ariz.Rev.Stat.Ann. s 12--2337 (Supp.1971--1972); Ark.Stat.Ann.
s 43--917 (1964); Cal.Evid.Code s 1070 (Supp.1972); Ind.Ann.Stat.
s 2--1733 (1968), IC 1971, 34--3--5--1; Ky.Rev.Stat. s 421.100
(1962); La.Rev.Stat.Ann. ss 45:1451--45:1454 (Supp.1972); Md.Ann.Code,
art. 35, s 2 (1971); Mich.Comp.Laws s 767.5a (Supp.1956), Mich.Stat.Ann.
s 28.945(1) (1954); Mont.Rev.Codes Ann. s 93-- 601--2 (1964);
Nev.Rev.Stat. s 49.275 (1971); N.J.Rev.Stat. ss 2A:84A-- 21,
2A:84A--29 (Supp.1972--1973); N.M.Stat.Ann. s 20--1--12.1 (1970);
N.Y.Civil Rights Laws, McKinney's Consol.Laws, c. 6, s 79--h
(Supp.1971--1972); Ohio Rev.Code Ann. s 2739.12 (1954); Pa.Stat.Ann.,
Tit. 28, s 330 (Supp.1972--1973).
FN28. Such legislation has been introduced, however. See,
e.g., S. 1311, 92d Cong., 1st Sess. (1971); S. 3552, 91st Cong.,
2d Sess. (1970); H.R. 16328, H.R. 16704, 91st Cong., 2d Sess.
(1970); S. 1851, 88th Cong., 1st Sess. (1963); H.R. 8519, H.R.
7787, 88th Cong., 1st Sess. (1963); S. 965, 86th Cong., 1st Sess.
(1959); H.R. 355, 86th Cong., 1st Sess. (1959). For a general
analysis of proposed congressional legislation, see Staff of
Sentate Committee on the Judiciary, 89th Cong., 2d Sess., The
Newsman's Privilege (Comm. Print 1966).
FN29. The creation of new testimonial privileges has been
met with disfavor by commentators since such privileges obstruct
the search for truth. Wigmore condemns such privileges as 'so
many derogations from a positive general rule (that everyone
is obligated to testify when properly summoned)' and as 'obstacle(s)
to the administration of justice.' 8 J. Wigmore, Evidence s 2192
(McNaughton rev. 1961). His criticism that 'all privileges of
exemption from this duty are exceptional, and are therefore to
be discountenanced,' id., at s 2192, p. 73 (emphasis in original)
has been frequently echoed. Morgan, Foreward, Model Code of Evidence
22--30 (1942); 2 Z. Chafee, Government and Mass Communications
496--497 (1947); Report of ABA Committee on Improvements in the
Law of Evidence, 63 A.B.A. Reports 595 (1938); C. McCormick,
Evidence 159 (2d ed. 1972); Chafee, Privileged Communications:
Is justice Served or Obstructed by Closing the Doctor's Mouth
on the Witness Stand?, 52 Yale L.J. 607 (1943); Ladd, Privileges,
1969 Law & the Social Order 555, 556; 58 Am.Jur., Witnesses
s 546 (1948); 97 C.J.S. Wtinesses s 259 (1957); McMann v. Securities
and Exchange Commission, 87 F.2d 377, 378 (CA2 1937) (L. Hand,
J.). Neither the ALI's Model Code of Evidence (1942), the Uniform
Rules of Evidence of the National Conference of Commissioners
on Uniform State Laws (1953), nor the Proposed Rules of Evidence
for the United States Courts and Magistrates (rev. ed. 1971)
has included a newsman's privilege.
[10] This conclusion itself involves no restraint on what
newspapers may publish or on the type or quality of information
reporters may seek to acquire, nor does it threaten the vast
bulk of confidential relationships between reporters and their
sources. Grand juries address themselves to the issues of whether
crimes have been committed and who committed them. Only where
news sources themselves are implicated in crime or possess information
relevant to the grand jury's task need they or the reporter be
concerned about grand jury subpoenas. Nothing before us indicates
that a large number or percentage of all confidential news sources
falls into either category and would in any way be deterred by
our holding that the Constitution does not, as it never has,
exempt the newsman from performing the citizen's normal duty
of appearing and furnishing **2662 information relevant to the
grand jury's task.
The preference for anonymity of those confidential informants
involved in actual criminal conduct is presumably a product of
their desire to escape criminal prosecution, and this preference,
while understandable, is hardly deserving of constitutional protection.
It would be frivolous to assert--and no one does in these cases--that
the First Amendment, in the interest of securing news or otherwise,
confers a license on either the reporter or his news sources
to violate valid criminal laws. Although stealing documents or
private wiretapping could provide newsworthy information, neither
reporter nor source is immune from conviction for such conduct,
whatever the impact on the flow of news. Neither is immume, on
First Amendment grounds, from testifying against the other, before
the grand jury or at a criminal trial. The Amendment does not
reach so far as to override the interest of the public in ensuring*692
that neither reporter nor source is invading the rights of other
citizens through reprehensible conduct forbidden to all other
persons. To assert the contrary proposition
'Is to answer it, since it involves in its very statement
the contention that the freedom of the press is the freedom to
do wrong with impunity and implies the right to frustrate and
defeat the discharge of those governmental duties upon the performance
of which the freedom of all, including that of the press, depends.
. . . It suffices to say that however complete is the right of
the press to state public things and discuss them, that right,
as every other right enjoyed in human society, is subject to
the restraints which separate right from wrong-doing.' Toledo
Newspaper Co. v. United States, 247 U.S. 402, 419--420, 38 S.Ct.
560, 564, 62 L.Ed. 1186 (1918). [FN30]
FN30. The holding in this case involved a construction of
the Contempt of Court Act of 1831, 4 Stat. 487, which permitted
summary trial of contempts 'so near (to the court) as to obstruct
the administration of justice.' The Court held that the Act required
only that the conduct have a 'direct tendency to prevent and
obstruct the discharge of judicial duty.' 247 U.S., at 419, 38
S.Ct., at 564. This view was overruled and the Act given a much
narrower reading in Nye v. United States, 313 U.S. 33, 47--52,
61 S.Ct. 810, 815--817, 85 L.Ed. 1172 (1941). See Bloom v. Illinois,
391 U.S. 194, 205--206, 88 S.Ct. 1477, 1484--1485, 20 L.Ed.2d
522 (1968).
[11] Thus, we cannot seriously entertain the notion that the
First Amendment protects a newsman's agreement to conceal the
criminal conduct of his source, or evidence thereof, on the theory
that it is better to write about crime than to do something about
it. Insofar as any reporter in these cases undertook not to reveal
or testify about the crime he witnessed, his claim of privilege
under the First Amendment presents no substantial question. The
crimes of news sources are no less reprehensible and threatening
to the public interest when witnessed by a reporter than when
they are not.
*693 There remain those situations where a source is not engaged
in criminal conduct but has information suggesting illegal conduct
by others. Newsmen frequently receive information from such sources
pursuant to a tacit or express agreement to withhold the source's
name and suppress any information that the source wishes not
published. Such informants presumably desire anonymity in order
to avoid being entangled as a witness in a criminal trial or
grand jury investigation. They may fear that disclosure will
threaten their job security or personal safety or that it will
simply result in dishonor or embarassment.
The argument that the flow of news will be diminished by compelling
reporters to aid the grand jury in a criminal investigation is
not irrational, nor are the records before us silent on the matter.
But we remain unclear how often and to what extent informers
are actually deterred from furnishing information when newsmen
are forced to testify before a grand jury. The available data
**2663 indicate that some newsmen rely a great deal on confidential
sources and that some informants are particularly sensitive to
the threat of exposure and may be silenced if it is held by this
Court that, ordinarily, newsmen must testify pursuant to subpoenas,
[FN31] but the evidence fails to demonstrate that there would
be a significant construction of the flow of news to the public
if this Court reaffirms the prior common-law and constitutional
rule regarding the testimonial obligations of newsmen. Estimates
of the inhibiting effect of such subpoenas on the willingness
of informants to make disclosures to newsmen are widely divergent
and *694 to a great extent speculative. [FN32] It would be difficult
to canvass the views of the informants themselves; surveys of
reporters on this topic are chiefly opinions of predicted informant
behavior and must be viewed in the light of the professional
self-interest of the interviewees. [FN33] Reliance by the press
on confidential informants does not mean that all such sources
will in fact dry up because of the later possible appearance
of the newsman before a grand jury. The reporter may never be
called and if he objects to testifying, the prosecution may not
insist. Also, the relationship of many informants to the press
is a symbiotic one which is unlikely to be greatly inhibited
by the threat of subpoena: quite often, such informants are members
of a minority political or cultural group that *695 relies heavily
on the media to propagate its views, publicize its aims, and
magnify its exposure to the public. Moreover, grand juries characteristically
conduct secret proceedings, and law enforcement officers are
themselves experienced in dealing with informers, and have their
own methods for protecting them without interference with the
effective administration of justice. There is little before us
indicating that informants whose interest in avoiding exposure
is that it may
threaten job security, personal safety, or peace of mind,
would in fact be in a worse position, or would think they would
be, if they risked placing their trust in public officials as
well as reporters. We doubt if the informer who prefers anonymity
but is sincerely interested in furnishing evidence of crime will
always or very often be deterred by the prospect of dealing with
those public authorities characteristically charged with the
duty to protect the public interest as well as his.
FN31. Respondent Caldwell attached a number of affidavits
from prominent newsmen to his initial motion to quash, which
detail the experiences of such journalists after they have been
subpoenaed. Appendix to No. 70--57, pp. 22--61.
FN32. Cf. e.g., the results of a study conducted by Guest
& Stanzler, which appears as an appendix to their article,
supra, n. 20. A number of editors of daily newspapers of varying
circulation were asked the question, 'Excluding one-or two-sentence
gossip items, on the average how many stories based on information
received in confidence are published in your paper each year?
Very rough estimate.' Answers varied significantly, e.g., 'Virtually
innumerable,' Tucson Daily Citizen (41,969 daily circ.), 'Too
many to remember,' Los Angeles Herald-Examiner (718,221 daily
circ.), 'Occasionally,' Denver Post (252,084 daily circ.), 'Rarely,'
Cleveland Plain Dealer (370,499 daily circ.), 'Very rare, some
politics,' Oregon Journal (146,403 daily circ.). This study did
not purport to measure the extent of deterrence of informants
caused by subpoenas to the press.
FN33. In his Press Subpoenas: An Empirical and legal Analysis,
Study Report of the Reporters' Committee on Freedom of the Press
6--12, Prof. Vince Blasi discusses these methodological problems.
Prof. Blasi's survey found that slightly more than half ot the
975 reporters questioned said that they relied on regular confidential
sources for at least 10% of their stories. Id., at 21. Of this
group of reporters, only 8% were able to say with some certainty
that their professional functioning had been adversely affected
by the threat of subpoena; another 11% were not certain whether
or not they had been adversely affected. Id., at 53.
[12] Accepting the fact, however, that an undetermined number
of informants not themselves implicated in crime will nevertheless,
for whatever reason, refuse to talk to newsmen if **2664 they
fear identification by a reporter in an official investigation,
we cannot accept the argument that the public interest in possible
future news about crime from undisclosed, unverified sources
must take precedence over the public interest in pursuing and
prosecuting those crimes reported to the press by informants
and in thus deterring the commission of such crimes in the future.
We note first that the privilege claimed is that of the reporter,
not the informant, and that if the authorities independently
identify the informant, neither his own reluctance to testify
nor the objection of the newsman would shield him from grand
jury inquiry, whatever the impact on the flow of news or on his
future usefulness as a secret source of information. More important,
*696 it is obvious that agreements to conceal information relevant
to commission of crime have very little to recommend them from
the standpoint of public policy. Historically, the common law
recognized a duty to raise the 'hue and cry' and report felonies
to the authorities. [FN34] Misprision of a felony--that is, the
concealment of a felony 'which a man knows, but never assented
to . . . (so as to become) either principal or accessory,' 4
W. Blackstone, Commentaries, *121, was often said to be a common-
law crime. [FN35] The first Congress passed a statute, 1 Stat.
113, s 6, as amended, 35 Stat. 1114, s 146, 62 Stat. 684, which
is still in effect, defining a federal crime of misprision:
FN34. See Statute of Westminster First, 3 Edw. 1, c. 9, p.
43 (1275); Statute of Westminster Second, 13 Edw. 1, c. 6, pp.
114--115 (1285); Sheriffs Act of 1887, 50 & 51 Vict., c.
55, s 8(1); 4 W. Blackstone, Commentaries *293--295; 2 W. Holdsworth,
History of English Law 80--81, 101--102 (3d ed. 1927); 4 id.,
at 521--522.
FN35. See, e.g., Scrope's Case, referred to in 3 Coke's Institute
36; Rex v. Cowper, 5 Mod. 206, 87 Eng.Rep. 611 (1969); Proceedings
under a Special Commission for the County of York, 31 How.St.Tr.
965, 969 (1813); Sykes v. Director of Public Prosecutions, (1961)
3 W.L.R. 371. But see Glazebrook, Misprision of Felony--Shadow
or Phantom?, 8 Am.J.Legal Hist. 189 (1964). See also Act 5 &
6 Edw. 6, c. 11 (1552).
'Whoever, having knowledge of the actual commission of a felony
cognizable by a court of the United States, conceals and does
not as soon as possible make known the same to some judge or
other person in civil or military authority under the United
States, shall be (guilty of misprision).' 18 U.S.C. s 4. [FN36]
FN36. This statute has been contrued, however, to require
both knowledge of a crime and some affirmative act of concealment
or participation. Bratton v. United States, 73 F.2d 795 (CA10
1934); United States v. Farrar, 38 F.2d 515, 516 (Mass.), aff'd
on other grounds, 281 U.S. 624, 50 S.Ct. 425, 74 L.Ed. 1078 (1930);
United States v. Norman, 391 F.2d 212 (CA6), cert. denied, 390
U.S. 1014, 88 S.Ct. 1265, 20 L.Ed.2d 163 (1968); Lancey v. United
States, 356 F.2d 407 (CA9), cert. denied, 385 U.S. 922, 87 S.Ct.
234, 17 L.Ed.2d 145 (1966). Cf. Marbury v. Brooks, 7 Wheat. 556,
575, 5 L.Ed. 522 (1822) (Marshall, C.J).
*697 It is apparent from this statute, as well as from our
history and that of England, that concealment of crime and agreements
to do so are not looked upon with favor. Such conduct deserves
no encomium, and we decline now to afford it First Amendment
protection by denigrating the duty of a citizen, whether reporter
or informer, to respond to grand jury subpoena and answer relevant
questions put to him.
Of course, the press has the right to abide by its agreement
not to publish all the information it has, but the right to withhold
news is not equivalent to a First Amendment exemption from the
ordinary duty of all other citizens to furnish relevant information
to a grand jury performing an important public function. Private
restraints on the flow of information are not so favored by the
First Amendment that they override all other public interests.
As Mr. Justice Black declared in another context, '(f)reedom
of the press from governmental **2665 interference under the
First Amendment does not sanction repression of that freedom
by private interests.' Associated Press v. United States, 326
U.S., at 20, 65 S.Ct., at 1425.
Neither are we now convinced that a virtually impenetrable
constitutional shield, beyond legislative or judicial control,
should be forged to protect a private system of informers operated
by the press to report on criminal conduct, a system that would
be unaccountable to the public, would pose a threat to the citizen's
justifiable expectations of privacy, and would equally protect
well-intentioned informants and those who for pay or otherwise
betray their trust to their employer or associates. The public
through its elected and appointed *698 law enforcement officers
regularly utilizes informers, and in proper circumstances may
assert a privilege against disclosing the identity of these informers.
But '(t)he purpose of the privilege is the furtherance and protection
of the public interest in effective law enforcement. The privilege
recognizes the obligation of citizens to communicate their knowledge
of the commission of crimes to law-enforcement officials and,
by preserving their anonymity, encourages them to perform that
obligation.' Roviaro v. United States, 353 U.S. 53, 59, 77 S.Ct.
623, 627, 1 L.Ed.2d 639 (1957).
Such informers enjoy no constitutional protection. Their testimony
is available to the public when desired by grand juries or at
criminal trials; their identity cannot be concealed from the
defendant when it is critical to his case. Roviaro v. United
States, supra, at 60--61, 62, 77 S.Ct. at 627-- 628, 629; McCray
v. Illinois, 386 U.S. 300, 310, 87 S.Ct. 1056, 1062, 18 L.Ed.2d
62 (1967); Smith v. Illinois, 390 U.S. 129, 131, 88 S.Ct. 748,
749, 19 L.Ed.2d 956 (1968); Alford v. United States, 282 U.S.
687, 693, 51 S.Ct. 218, 220, 75 L.Ed. 624 (1931). Clearly, this
system is not impervious to control by the judiciary and the
decision whether to unmask an informer or to continue to profit
by his anonymity is in public, not private, hands. We think that
it should remain there and that public authorities should retain
the options of either insisting on the informer's testimony relevant
to the prosecution of crime or of seeking the benefit of further
information that his exposure might prevent.
We are admonished that refusal to provide a First Amendment
reporter's privilege will undermine the freedom of the press
to collect and disseminate news. But this is not the lesson history
teaches us. As noted previously, the common law recognized no
such privilege, and the constitutional argument was not even
asserted until 1958. From the beginning of our country the press
has operated without constitutional protection *699 for press
informants, and the press has flourished. The existing constitutional
rules have not been a serious obstacle to either the development
or retention of confidential news sources by the press. [FN37]
FN37. Though the constitutional argument for a newsman's privilege
has been put forward very recently, newsmen have contended for
a number of years that such a privilege was desirable. See, e.g.,
Siebert & Ryniker, Press Winning Fight to Guard Sources,
Editor & Publisher, Sept. 1, 1934, pp. 9, 36--37; G. Bird
& F. Merwin, The Press and Society 592 (1971). The first
newsman's privilege statute was enacted by Maryland in 1896,
and currently is codified as Md.Ann.Code Art. 35, s 2 (1971).
It is said that currently press subpoenas have multiplied,
[FN38] that mutual distrust and tension between press and officialdom
have increased, that reporting styles have changed, and that
there is now more need for confidential sources, particularly
where the press seeks news about minority cultural and political
groups or dissident organizations suspicious of the law and public
officials. These developments, even if true, are treacherous
grounds for a far-reaching **2666 interpretation of the First
Amendment fastening a nationwide rule on courts, grand juries,
and prosecuting officials everywhere. The obligation to testify
in response to grand jury subpoenas will not threaten these sources
not involved with criminal conduct and without information relevant
to grand jury investigations, and we cannot hold that the Constitution
places the sources in these two categories either above the law
or beyond its reach.
FN38. A list of recent subpoenas to the news media is contained
in the appendix to the brief of amicus New York Times in No.
70--57.
[13] The argument for such a constitutional privilege rests
heavily on those cases holding that the infringement of protected
First Amendment rights must be no broader than necessary to achieve
a permissible governmental purpose, see cases cited at n. 19,
supra. We do not deal, however, with a governmental institution
that has abused *700 its proper function, as a legislative committee
does when it 'expose(s) for the sake of exposure.' Watkins v.
United States, 354 U.S. 178, 200, 77 S.Ct. 1173, 1185, 1 L.Ed.2d
1273 (1957). Nothing in the record indicates that these grand
juries were 'prob(ing) at will and without relation to existing
need.' DeGregory v. Attorney General of New Hampshire, 383 U.S.
825, 829, 86 S.Ct. 1148, 1151, 16 L.Ed.2d 292 (1966). Nor did
the grand juries attempt to invade protected First Amendment
rights by forcing wholesale disclosure of names and organizational
affiliations for a purpose that was not germane to the determination
of whether crime has been committed, cf. NAACP v. Alabama, 357
U.S. 449, 78 S.Ct. 1163, 2 L.Ed.2d 1488 (1958); NAACP v. Button,
371 U.S. 415, 83 S.Ct. 328, 9 L.Ed.2d 405 (1963); Bates v. Little
Rock, 361 U.S. 516, 80 S.Ct. 412, 4 L.Ed.2d 480 (1960), and the
characteristic secrecy of grand jury proceedings is a further
protection against the undue invasion of such rights. See Fed.Rule
CrimProc. 6(e). The investigative power of the grand jury is
necessarily broad if its public responsibility is to be adequately
discharged. Costello v. United States, 350 U.S. 359, at 364,
76 S.Ct. 406, at 409, 100 L.Ed. 397 (1956).
[14] The requirements of those cases, see n. 18, supra, which
hold that a State's interest must be 'compelling' or 'paramount'
to justify even an indirect burden on First Amendment rights,
are also met here. As we have indicated, the investigation of
crime by the grand jury implements a fundamental governmental
role of securing the safety of the person and property of the
citizen, and it appears to us that calling reporters to give
testimony in the manner and for the reasons that other citizens
are called 'bears a reasonable relationship to the achievement
of the governmental purpose asserted as its justification.' Bates
v. Little Rock, supra, 361 U.S. at 525, 80 S.Ct. at 417. If the
test is that the government 'convincingly show a substantial
relation between the information sought and a subject of overriding
and compelling state interest,' Gibson v. Florida Legislative
Investigation Committee, *701 372 U.S. 539, 546, 83 S.Ct. 889,
894, 9 L.Ed.2d 929 (1963), it is quite apparent (1) that the
State has the necessary interest in extirpating the traffic in
illegal drugs, in forestalling assassination attempts on the
President, and in preventing the community from being disrupted
by violent disorders endangering both persons and property; and
(2) that, based on the stories Branzburg and Caldwell wrote and
Pappas' admitted conduct, the grand jury called these reporters
as they would others--because it was likely that they could supply
information to help the government determine whether illegal
conduct had occurred and, if it had, whether there was sufficient
evidence to return an indictment.
[15] Similar considerations dispose of the reporters' claims
that preliminary to requiring their grand jury appearance, the
State must show that a crime has been committed and that they
possess relevant information not available from other sources,
for only the grand jury itself can make this determination. The
role of the grand jury as an important instrument of offective
law enforcement necessarily includes an investigatory function
with respect to determining **2667 whether a crime has been committed
and who committed it. To this end it must call witnesses, in
the manner best suited to perform its task. 'When the grand jury
is performing its investigatory function into a general problem
area . . . society's interest is best served by a thorough and
extensive investigation.' Wood v. Georgia, 370 U.S. 375, 392,
82 S.Ct. 1364, 1374, 8 L.Ed.2d 569 (1962). A grand jury investigation
'is not fully carried out until every available clue has been
run down and all witnesses examined in every proper way to find
if a crime has been committed.' United States v. Stone, 249 F.2d
138, 140 (C.A.2 1970). Such an investigation may be triggered
by tips, rumors, evidence proffered by the prosecutor, or the
personal knowledge of the grand jurors. Costello v. United States,
350 U.S., at 362, 76 S.Ct., at 408. It is *702 only after the
grand jury has examined the evidence that a determination of
whether the proceeding will result in an indictment can be made.
'It is impossible to conceive that in such cases the examination
of witnesses must be stopped until a basis is laid by an indictment
formally preferred, when the very object of the examination is
to ascertain who shall be indicted.' Hale v. Henkel, 201 U.S.
43, 65, 26 S.Ct. 370, 375, 50 L.Ed. 652 (1906).
See also Hendricks v. United States, 223 U.S. 178, 32 S.Ct.
313, 56 L.Ed. 394 (1912); Blair v. United States, 250 U.S., at
282--283, 39 S.Ct., at 471, 63 L.Ed. 979. We see no reason to
hold that these reporters, any more than other citizens, should
be excused from furnishing information that may help the grand
jury in arriving at its initial determinations.
The privilege claimed here is conditional, not absolute; given
the suggested preliminary showings and compelling need, the reporter
would be required to testify. Presumably, such a rule would reduce
the instances in which reporters could be required to appear,
but predicting in advance when and in what circumstances they
could be compelled to do so would be difficult. Such a rule would
also have implications for the issuance of compulsory process
to reporters at civil and criminal trials and at legislative
hearings. If newsmen's confidential sources are as sensitive
as they are claimed to be, the prospect of being unmasked whenever
a judge determines the situation justifies it is hardly a satisfactory
solution to the problem. [FN39] For **2668 them, it would appear
that only an absolute privilege would suffice.
FN39. 'Under the case-by-case method of developing rules,
it will be difficult for potential informants and reporters to
predict whether testimony will be compelled since the decision
will turn on the judge's ad hoc assessment in different fact
settings of 'importance' or 'relevance' in relation to the free
press interest. A 'general' deterrent effect is likely to result.
This type of effect stems from the vagueness of the tests and
from the uncertainty attending their application. For example,
if a reporter's information goes to the 'heart of the matter'
in Situation X, another reporter and informant who subsequently
are in Situation Y will not know if 'heart of the matter rule
X' will be extended to them, and deterrence will thereby result.
Leaving substantial discretion with judges to delineate those
'situations' in which rules of 'relevance' or 'importance' apply
would therefore seem to undermine significantly the effectiveness
of a reporter-informer privilege.' Note, Reporters and Their
Sources: The Constitutional Right to a Confidential Relationship,
80 Yale L.J. 317, 341 (1970).
In re Grand Jury Witnesses, 322 F.Supp. 573 (ND Cal.1970),
illustrates the impact of this ad hoc approach. Here, the grand
jury was, as in Caldwell, investigating the Black Panther Party,
and was 'inquiring into matters which involve possible violations
of Congressional acts passed to protect the person of the President
(18 U.S.C. s 1751), to free him from threats (18 U.S.C. s 871),
to protect our armed forces from unlawful interference (18 U.S.C.
s 2387), conspiracy to commit the foregoing offenses (18 U.S.C.
s 371), and related statutes prohibiting acts directed against
the security of the government.' Id., at 577. The two witnesses,
reporters for a Black Panther Party newspaper, were subpoenaed
and given Fifth Amendment immunity against criminal prosecution,
and they claimed a First Amendment journalist's privilege. The
District Court entered a protective order, allowing them to refuse
to divulge confidential information until the the Government
demonstrated 'a compelling and overriding national interest in
requiring the testimony of (the witnesses) which cannot be served
by any alternative means.' Id., at 574. The Government claimed
that it had information that the witnesses had associated with
persons who had conspired to perform some of the criminal acts
that the grand jury was investigating. The court held the Government
had met its burden and ordered the witnesses to testify:
'The whole point of the investigation is to identify persons
known to the (witnesses) who may have engaged in activities violative
of the above indicated statutes, and also to ascertain the details
of their alleged unlawful activities. All questions directed
to such objectives of the investigation are unquestionably relevant,
and any other evaluation thereof by the Court without knowledge
of the facts before the Grand Jury would clearly constitute 'undue
interference of the Court." Id., at 577. Another illustration
is provided by State v. Knops, 49 Wis.2d 647, 183 N.W.2d 93 (1971),
in which a grand jury was investigating the August 24, 1970,
bombing of Sterling Hall on the University of Wisconsin Madison
campus. On August 26, 1970, an 'underground' newspaper, the Madison
Kaleidoscope, printed a front-page story entitled 'The Bombers
Tell Why and What Next--Exclusive to Kaleidoscope.' An editor
of the Kaleidoscope was subpoenaed, appeared, asserted his Fifth
Amendment right against self- incrimination, was given immunity,
and then pleaded that he had a First Amendment privilege against
disclosing his confidential informants. The Wisconsin Supreme
Court rejected his claim and upheld his contempt sentence: '(Appellant)
faces five very narrow and specific questions, all of which are
founded on information which he himself has already volunteered.
The purpose of these questions is very clear. The need for answers
to them is 'overriding,' to say the least. The need for these
answers is nothing short of the public's need (and right) to
protect itself from physical attack by apprehending the perpetrators
of such attacks.' 49 Wis.2d, at 658, 183 N.W.2d, at 98--99.
*703 [16] We are unwilling to embark the judiciary on a long
and difficult journey to such an uncertain destination. The administration
of a constitutional newsman's privilege *704 would present practical
and conceptual difficulties of a high order. Sooner or later,
it would be necessary to define those categories of newsmen who
qualified for the privilege, a questionable procedure in light
of the traditional doctrine that liberty of the press is the
right of the lonely pamphleteer who uses carbon paper or a mimeograph
just as much as of the large metropolitan publisher who utilizes
the latest photocomposition methods. Cf. In re Grand Jury Witnesses,
322 F.Supp. 573, 574 (ND Cal.1970). Freedom of the press is a
'fundamental personal right' which 'is not confined to newspapers
and periodicals. It necessarily embraces pamphlets and leaflets.
. . . The press in its historic connotation comprehends every
sort of publication which affords a vehicle of information and
opinion.' Lovell v. City of Griffin, 303 U.S. 444, 450, 452,
58 S.Ct. 666, 669, 82 L.Ed. 949 (1938). See also Mills *705 v.
Alabama, 384 U.S. 214, 219, 86 S.Ct. 1434, 1437, 16 L.Ed.2d 484
(1966); Murdock v. Pennsylvania, 319 U.S. 105, 111, 63 S.Ct.
870, 874, 87 L.Ed. 1292 (1943). The informative function asserted
by representatives of the organized press in the present cases
is also performed by lecturers, political pollsters, novelists,
academic researchers, and dramatists. Almost any author may quite
accurately assert that he is contributing to the flow of information
to the public, that he relies on confidential sources of information,
and that these sources will be silenced if he is forced to make
disclosures before a grand jury. [FN40]
FN40. Such a privilege might be claimed by groups that set
up newspapers in order to engage in criminal activity and to
therefore be insulated from grand jury inquiry, regardless of
Fifth Amendment grants of immunity. It might appear that such
'sham' newspapers would be easily distinguishable, yet the First
Amendment ordinarily prohibits courts from inquiring into the
content of expression, except in cases of obscenity or libel,
and protects speech and publications regardless of their motivation,
orthodoxy, truthfulness, timeliness, or taste. New York Times
Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, at 269--270, 84 S.Ct. 710, at
720--721, 11 L.Ed.2d 686; Kingsley International Pictures Corp.
v. Regents, 360 U.S. 684, 689, 79 S.Ct. 1362, 1365, 3 L.Ed.2d
1512 (1959); Winters v. New York 333 U.S. 507, 510, 68 S.Ct.
665, 667, 92 L.Ed. 840 (1948); Thomas v. Collins, 323 U.S. 516,
at 537, 65 S.Ct. 315, at 326, 89 L.Ed. 430. By affording a privilege
to some organs of communication but not to others, courts would
inevitably be discriminating on the basis of content.
**2669 In each instance where a reporter is subpoenaed to
testify, the courts would also be embroiled in preliminary factual
and legal determinations with respect to whether the proper predicate
had been laid for the reporter's appearance: Is there probable
cause to believe a crime has been committed? Is it likely that
the reporter has useful information gained in confidence? Could
the grand jury obtain the information elsewhere? Is the official
interest sufficient to outweigh the claimed privilege?
Thus, in the end, by considering whether enforcement of a
particular law served a 'compelling' governmental interest, the
courts would be inextricably involved in *706 distinguishing
between the value of enforcing different criminal laws. By requiring
testimony from a reporter in investigations involving some crimes
but not in others, they would be making a value judgment that
a legislature had declined to make, since in each case the criminal
law involved would represent a considered legislative judgment,
not constitutionally suspect, of what conduct is liable to criminal
prosecution. The task of judges, like other officials outside
the legislative branch, is not to make the law but to uphold
it in accordance with their oaths.
At the federal level, Congress has freedom to determine whether
a statutory newsman's privilege is necessary and desirable and
to fashion standards and rules as narrow or broad as deemed necessary
to deal with the evil discerned and, equally important, to refashion
those rules as experience from time to time may dictate. There
is also merit in leaving state legislatures free, within First
Amendment limits, to fashion their own standards in light of
the conditions and problems with respect to the relations between
law enforcement officials and press in their own areas. It goes
without saying, of course, that we are powerless to bar state
courts from responding in their own way and construing their
own constitutions so as to recognize a newsman's privilege, either
qualified or absolute.
In addition, there is much force in the pragmatic view that
the press has at its disposal powerful mechanisms of communication
and is far from helpless to protect itself from harassment or
substantial harm. Furthermore, if what the newsmen urged in these
cases is true--that law enforcement cannot hope to gain and may
suffer from subpoenaing newsmen before grand juries--prosecutors
will be loath to risk so much for so little. Thus, at the federal
level the Attorney General has already fashioned a set of rules
for federal officials in connection *707 with subpoenaing members
of the press to testify before grand juries or at criminal trials.
[FN41] These rules are a major step in the direction the reporters
**2670 herein desire to move. They may prove wholly sufficient
to resolve the bulk of disagreements and controversies between
press and federal officials.
FN41. The Guidelines for Subpoenas to the News Media were
first announced in a speech by the Attorney General on August
10, 1970, and then were expressed in Department of Justice Memo.
No. 692 (Sept. 2, 1970), which was sent to all United States
Attorneys by the Assistant Attorney General in charge of the
Criminal Division. The Guidelines state that: 'The Department
of Justice recognizes that compulsory process in some circumstances
may have a limiting effect on the exercise of First Amendment
rights. In determining whether to request issuance of a subpoena
to the press, the approach in every case must be to weigh that
limiting effect against the public interest to be served in the
fair administration of justice' and that: 'The Department of
Justice does not consider the press 'an investigative arm of
the government.' Therefore, all reasonable attempts should be
made to obtain information from non-press sources before there
is any consideration of subpoenaing the press.' The Guidelines
provide for negotiations with the press and require the express
authorization of the Attorney General for such subpoenas. The
principles to be applied in authorizing such subpoenas are stated
to be whether there is 'sufficient reason to believe that the
information sought (from the journalist) is essential to a successful
investigation,' and whether the Government has unsuccessfully
attempted to obtain the information from alternative non-press
sources. The Guidelines provide, however, that in 'emergencies
and other unusual situations,' subpoenas may be issued which
do not exactly conform to the Guidelines.
[17] Finally, as we have earlier indicated, news gathering
is not without its First Amendment protections, and grand jury
investigations if instituted or conducted other than in good
faith, would pose wholly different issues for resolution under
the First Amendment. [FN42] Official harassment of the press
undertaken not for purposes of law enforcement but to disrupt
a reporter's relationship *708 with his news sources would have
no justification. Grand juries are subject to judicial control
and subpoenas to motions to quash. We do not expect courts will
forget that grand juries must operate within the limits of the
First Amendment as well as the Fifth.
FN42. Cf. Younger v. Harris, 401 U.S. 37, 49, 53--54, 91 S.Ct.
746, 753, 754--755, 27 L.Ed.2d 669 (1971).
III
[18][19] We turn, therefore, to the disposition of the cases
before us. From what we have said, it necessarily follows that
the decision in United States v. Caldwell, No. 70--57, must be
reversed. If there is no First Amendment privilege to refuse
to answer the relevant and material questions asked during a
good-faith grand jury investigation, then it is a fortiori true
that there is no privilege to refuse to appear before such a
grand jury until the Government demonstrates some 'compelling
need' for a newsman's testimony. Other issues were urged upon
us, but since they were not passed upon by the Court of Appeals,
we decline to address them in the first instance.
[20] The decisions in No. 70--85, Branzburg v. Hayes and Branzburg
v. Meigs, must be affirmed. Here, petitioner refused to answer
questions that directly related to criminal conduct that he had
observed and written about. The Kentucky Court of Appeals noted
that marihuana is defined as a narcotic drug by statute, Ky.Rev.Stat.
s 218.010(14) (1962), and that unlicensed possession or compounding
of it is a felony punishable by both fine and imprisonment. Ky.Rev.Stat.
s 218.210 (1962). It held that petitioner 'saw the commission
of the statutory felonies of unlawful possession of marijuana
and the unlawful conversion of it into hashish,' in Branzburg
v. Pound, 461 S.W.2d, at 346. Petitioner may be presumed to have
observed similar violations of the state narcotics laws during
the research he did for the story that forms the basis of the
subpoena in Branzburg v. Meigs. In both cases, if what petitioner
wrote was true, *709 he had direct information to provide the
grand jury concerning the ommission of serious crimes.
[21] The only question presented at the present time in In
re Pappas, No. 70--94, is whether petitioner Pappas must appear
before the grand jury to testify pursuant to subpoena. The Massachusetts
Supreme Judicial Court characterized the record in this case
as 'meager,' and it is not clear what petitioner will be asked
by the grand jury. It is not even clear that he will be asked
to divulge information received in confidence. We affirm the
decision of the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court and hold
that petitioner must appear before the grand jury to answer the
questions put to him, subject, of course, to the supervision
of the presiding judge as to 'the propriety, purposes, and scope
of the grand jury inquiry and the pertinence of the probable
testimony.' 358 Mass., at 614, 266 N.E.2d, at 303--304.
So ordered.
Judgment at 434 F.2d 1081 reversed; judgments at 461 S.W.2d
345 and 266 N.E.2d 297 affirmed.
CONCURRING OPINION
**2671 Mr. Justice POWELL, concurring.
I add this brief statement to emphasize what seems to me to
be the limited nature of the Court's holding. The Court does
not hold that newsmen, subpoenaed to testify before a grand jury,
are without constitutional rights with respect to the gathering
of news or in safeguarding their sources. Certainly, we do not
hold, as suggested in Mr. Justice STEWART's dissenting opinion,
that state and federal authorities are free to 'annex' the news
media as 'an investigative arm of government.' The solicitude
repeatedly shown by this Court for First Amendment freedoms should
be sufficient assurance against any such effort, even if one
seriously believed that the media--properly free and untrammeled
in the fullest sense of these terms--were not able to protect
themselves.
As indicated in the concluding portion of the opinion, the
Court states that no harassment of newsmen will *710 be tolerated.
If a newsman believes that the grand jury investigation is not
being conducted in good faith he is not without remedy. Indeed,
if the newsman is called upon to give information bearing only
a remote and tenuous relationship to the subject of the investigation,
or if he has some other reason to believe that his testimony
implicates confidential source relationship without a legitimate
need of law enforcement, he will have access to the court on
a motion to quash and an appropriate protective order may be
entered. The asserted claim to privilege should be judged on
its facts by the striking of a proper balance between freedom
of the press and the obligation of all citizens to give relevant
testimony with respect to criminal conduct. The balance of these
vital constitutional and societal interests on a case-by-case
basis accords with the tried and traditional way of adjudicating
such questions. [FN*]
FN* It is to be remembered tha tCaldwell asserts a constitutional
privilege not even to appear before the grand jury unless a court
decides that the Government has made a showing that meets the
three preconditions specified in the dissenting opinion of Mr.
Justice Stewart. To be sure, this would require a 'balancing'
of interests by the court, but under circumstances and constraints
significantly different from the balancing that will be appropriate
under the court's decision. The newsman witness, like all other
witnesses, will have to appear; he will not be in a position
to litigate at the threshold the State's very authority to subpoena
him. Moreover, absent the constitutional preconditions that Caldwell
and that dissenting opinion would impose as heavy burdens of
proof to be carried by the State, the court--when called upon
to protect a newsman from improper or prejudicial questioning--would
be free to balance the competing interests on their merits in
the particular case. The new constitutional rule endorsed by
that dissenting opinion would, as a practical matter, defeat
such a fair balancing and the essential societal interest in
the detection and prosecution of crime would be heavily subordinated.
In short, the courts will be available to newsmen under circumstances
where legitimate First Amendment interests require protection.
DISSENTING OPINION
*725 Mr. Justice STEWART, with whom Mr. Justice BRENNAN and
Mr. Justice
DISSENTING OPINION MARSHALL join, dissenting.
The Court's crabbed view of the First Amendment reflects a
disturbing insensitivity to the critical role of an independent
press in our society. The question whether a reporter has a constitutional
right to a confidential relationship with his source is of first
impression here, but the principles that should guide our decision
are as basic as any to be found in the Constitution. While Mr.
Justice POWELL'S enigmatic concurring opinion gives some hope
of a more flexible view in the future, the Court in these cases
holds that a newsman has no First Amendment right to protect
his sources when called before a grand jury. The Court thus invites
state and federal authorities to undermine the historic independence
of the press by attempting to annex the journalistic profession
as an investigative arm of government. Not only will this decision
impair performance of the press' constitutionally protected functions,
but it will, I am convinced, in the **2672 long run, harm rather
than help the administration of justice.
I respectfully dissent.
I
The reporter's constitutional right to a confidential relationship
with his source stems from the broad societal interest in a full
and free flow of information to the public. It is this basic
concern that underlies the Constitution's *726 protection of
a free press, Grosjean v. American Press Co., 297 U.S. 233, 250,
56 S.Ct. 444, 449, 80 L.Ed. 660; New York Times Co. v. Sullivan,
376 U.S. 254, 269, 84 S.Ct. 710, 720, 11 L.Ed.2d 686, [FN1] because
the guarantee is 'not for the benefit of the press so much as
for the benefit of all of us.' Time, Inc. v. Hill, 385 U.S. 374,
389, 87 S.Ct. 534, 543, 17 L.Ed.2d 456. [FN2]
FN1. We have often described the process of informing the
public as the core purpose of the constitutional guarantee of
free speech and a free press. See, e.g., Stromberg v. California,
283 U.S. 359, 369, 51 S.Ct. 532, 535, 75 L.Ed. 1117; De Jonge
v. Oregon, 299 U.S. 353, 365, 57 S.Ct. 255, 260, 81 L.Ed. 278;
Smith v. California, 361 U.S. 147, 153, 80 S.Ct. 215, 218, 4
L.Ed.2d 205.
FN2. As I see it, a reporter's right to protect his source
is bottomed on the constitutional guarantee of a full flow of
information to the public. A newsman's personal First Amendment
rights or the associational rights of the newsman and the source
are subsumed under that broad societal interest protected by
the First Amendment. Obviously, we are not here concerned with
the parochial personal concerns of particular newsmen or informants.
'The newsman-informer relationship is different from . . .
other relationships whose confidentiality is protected by statute,
such as the attorney-client and physician-patient relationship.
In the case of other statutory privileges, the right of nondisclosure
is granted to the person making the communication in order that
he will be encouraged by trong assurances of confidentiality
to seek such relationships which contribute to his personal well-being.
The judgment is made that the interests of society will be served
when individuals consult physicians and lawyers; the public interest
is thus advanced by creating a zone of privacy that the individual
can control. However, in the case of the reporter-informer relationship,
society's interest is not in the welfare of the informant per
se, but rather in creating conditions in which information possessed
by news sources can reach public attention.' Note, 80 Yale L.J.
317, 343 (1970) (footnotes omitted) (hereinafter Yale Note).
Enlightened choice by an informed citizenry is the basic ideal
upon which an open society is premised, [FN3] and a free press
is thus indispensable to a free society. Not only does the press
enhance personal self-fulfillment *727 by providing the people
with the widest possible range of fact and opinion, but it also
is an incontestable precondition of self-government. The press
'has been a mighty catalyst in awakening public interest in governmental
affairs, exposing corruption among public officers and employees
and generally informing the citizenry of public events and occurrences
. . ..' Estes v. Texas, 381 U.S. 532, 539, 85 S.Ct. 1628, 1631,
14 L.Ed.2d 543; Mills v. Alabama, 384 U.S. 214, 219, 86 S.Ct.
1434, 1437, 16 L.Ed.2d 484; Grosjean, supra, 297 U.S. at 250,
56 S.Ct. at 449. As private and public aggregations of power
burgeon in size and the pressures for conformity necessarily
mount, there is obviously a continuing need for an independent
press to disseminate a robust variety of information and opinion
through reportage, investigation, and criticism, if we are to
preserve our constitutional tradition of maximizing freedom of
choice by encouraging diversity of expression.
FN3. See generally Z. Chafee, Free Speech in the United States
(1941); A. Meikeljohn, Free Speech and Its Relation to Self-Government
(1948); T. Emerson, Toward a General Theory of the First Amendment
(1963).
A
In keeping with this tradition, we have held that the right
to publish is central to the First Amendment and basic to the
existence of constitutional democracy. Grosjean, supra, at 250,
56 S.Ct. at 449; New York Times, supra, 376 U.S. at 270, 84 S.Ct.
at 720.
A corollary of the right to publish must be the right to gather
news. The **2673 full flow of information to the public protected
by the free-press guarantee would be severely curtailed if no
protection whatever were afforded to the process by which news
is assembled and disseminated. We have, therefore, recognized
that there is a right to publish without prior governmental approval,
Near v. Minnesota, 283 U.S. 697, 51 S.Ct. 625, 75 L.Ed. 1357;
New York Times Co. v. United States, 403 U.S. 713, 91 S.Ct. 2140,
29 L.Ed.2d 822, a right to distribute information, see, e.g.,
Lovell v. Griffin, 303 U.S., 444, 452, 58 S.Ct. 666, 669, 82
L.Ed. 949; Marsh v. Alabama, 326 U.S. 501, 66 S.Ct. 276, 90 L.Ed.
265; Martin v. City of Struthers, 319 U.S. 141, 63 S.Ct. 862,
87 L.Ed. 1313; Grosjean, supra, and a right to receive printed
matter, Lamont v. Postmaster General, 381 U.S. 301, 85 S.Ct.
1493, 14 L.Ed.2d 398.
*728 No less important to the news dissemination process is
the gathering of information. News must not be unnecessarily
cut off at its source, for without freedom to acquire information
the right to publish would be impermissibly compromised. Accordingly,
a right to gather news, of some dimensions, must exist. Zemel
v. Rusk, 381 U.S. 1, 85 S.Ct. 1271, 14 L.Ed.2d 179. [FN4] Note,
The Right of the Press to Gather Information, 71 Col.L.Rev. 838
(1971). As Madison wrote: 'A popular Government, without popular
information, or the means of acquiring it, is but a Prologue
to a Farce or a Tragedy; or perhaps both.' 9 Writings of James
Madison 103 (G. Hunt ed. 1910).
FN4. In Zemel v. Rusk, 381 U.S. 1, 85 S.Ct. 1271, 14 L.Ed.2d
179, we held that the Secretary of State's denial of a passport
for travel to Cuba did not violate a citizen's First Amendment
rights. The rule was justified by the 'weightiest considerations
of national security' and we concluded that the 'right to speak
and publish does not carry with it the unrestrained right to
gather information.' Id., at 16--17, 85 S.Ct. at 1281 (emphasis
supplied). The necessary implication is that some right to gather
information does exist.
B
The right to gather news implies, in turn, a right to a confidential
relationship between a reporter and his source. This proposition
follows as a matter of simple logic once three factual predicates
are recognized: (1) newsmen require informants to gather news;
(2) confidentiality--the promise or understanding that names
or certain aspects of communications will be kept off the record--is
essential to the creation and maintenance of a news-gathering
relationship with informants; and (3) an unbridled subpoena power--the
absence of a constitutional right protecting, in any way, a confidential
relationship from compulsary process--will either deter sources
from divulging information or deter reporters from gathering
and publishing information.
*729 It is obvious that informants are necessary to the news-gathering
process as we know it today. If it is to perform its constitutional
mission, the press must do far more than merely print public
statements or publish prepared handouts. Familiarity with the
people and circumstances involved in the myriad background activities
that result in the final product called 'news' is vital to complete
and responsible journalism, unless the press is to be a captive
mouthpiece of 'newsmakers.' [FN5]
FN5. In Caldwell v. United States, 434 F.2d 1081, the Government
claimed that Caldwell did not have to maintain a confidential
relationship with members of the Black Panther Party and provide
independent reporting of their activities, since the Party and
its leaders could issue statements on their own. But, as the
Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit correctly observed:
'(I)t is not enough that Black Panther press releases and
public addresses by Panther leaders may continue unabated in
the wake of subpoenas such as the one here in question. It is
not enough that the public's knowledge of groups such as the
Black Panthers should be confined to their deliberate public
pronouncements or distant news accounts of their occasional dramatic
forays into the public view. 'The need for an untrammeled press
takes on special urgency in times of widespread protest and dissent.
In such times the First Amendment protections exist to maintain
communication with dissenting groups and to provide the public
with a wide range of information about the nature of protest
and heterodoxy.' Citing Associated Press v. United States, 326
U.S. 1, 20, 65 S.Ct. 1416, 89 L.Ed. 2013; Thornhill v. Alabama,
310 U.S. 88, 102, 60 S.Ct. 736, 84 L.Ed. 1093. Id., at 1084--1085.
**2674 It is equally obvious that the promise of confidentiality
may be a necessary prerequisite to a productive relationship
between a newsman and his informants. An officeholder may fear
his superior; a member of the bureaucracy, his associates; a
dissident, the scorn of majority opinion. All may have information
valuable to the public discourse, yet each may be willing to
relate that information only in confidence to a reporter whom
he trusts, either because of excessive caution or because of
a reasonable fear of reprisals or censure for unorthodox *730
views. The First Amendment concern must not be with the motives
of any particular news source, but rather with the conditions
in which informants of all shades of the spectrum may make information
available through the press to the public. Cf. Talley v. California,
362 U.S. 60, 65, 80 S.Ct. 536, 539, 4 L.Ed.2d 559; Bates v. City
of Little Rock, 361 U.S. 516, 80 S.Ct. 412, 4 L.Ed.2d 480; NAACP
v. Alabama, 357 U.S. 449, 78 S.Ct. 1163, 2 L.Ed.2d 1488. [FN6]
FN6. As we observed in Talley v. California, 362 U.S 60, 80
S.Ct. 536, 4 L.Ed.2d 559, 'Anonymous pamphlets, leaflets, brochures
and even books have played an important rule in the progress
of mankind. . . . Before the Revolutionary War colonial patriots
frequently had to conceal their authorship or distribution of
literature that easily could have brought down on them prosecutions
by English-controlled courts. . . . Even the Federalist Papers,
written in favor of the adoption of our Constitution, were published
under fictitious names. It is plain that anonymity has sometimes
been assumed for the most constructive purposes.' Id., at 64--
65, 80 S.Ct., at 538. And in Lamont v. Postmaster General, 381
U.S. 301, 85 S.Ct. 1493, 14 L.Ed.2d 398, we recognized the importance
to First Amendment values of the right to receive information
anonymously.
DISSENTING OPINION
In Caldwell, the District Court found that 'confidential relationships
. . . are commonly developed and maintained by professional journalists,
and are indispensable to their work of gathering, analyzing and
publishing the news.' [FN7] Commentators and individual reporters
have repeatedly noted the importance of confidentiality. [FN8]
*731 And surveys among reporters and editors indicate that the
promise of nondisclosure is necessary for many types of news
gathering. [FN9]
FN7. Application of Caldwell, 311 F.Supp. 358, 361.
FN8. See, e.g., F. Chalmers, A Gentleman of the Press: The
Biography of Colonel John Bayne MacLean 74--75 (1969); H. Klurfeld,
Behind the Lines: The World of Drew Pearson 50, 52--55 (1968);
A. Krock, Memoris: Sixty Years on the Firing Line 181, 184--185
(1968); E. Larsen, First with the Truth 22--23 (1968); R. Ottley,
The Lonely Warrior--The Life and Times of Robert S. Abbott 143--145
(1955); C. Sulzberger, A Long Row of Candles; Memoirs and Diaries
241 (1969).
As Walter Cronkite, a network television reporter, said in
an affidavit in Caldwel: 'In doing my work, I (and those who
assist me) depend constantly on information, ideas, leads and
opinions received in confidence. Such material is essential in
digging out newsworthy facts and, equally important, in assessing
the importance and analyzing the significance of public events.'
App. 52.
FN9. See Guest & Stanzler, The Constitutional Argument
for Newsmen Concealing Their Sources, 64 Nw.U.L.Rev. 18 (1969);
V. Blasi, Press Subpoenas: An Empirical and Legal Analysis, Study
Report of the Reporters' Committee on Freedom of the Press 20--29
(hereinafter Blasi).
Finally, and most important, when governmental officials possess
an unchecked power to compel newsmen to disclose information
received in confidence, sources will clearly be deterred from
giving information, and reporters will clearly be deterred from
publishing it, because uncertainty about exercise of the power
will lead to 'self-censorship.' Smith v. California, 361 U.S.
147, 149-- 154, 80 S.Ct. 215, 216--219, 4 L.Ed.2d 205; New York
Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S., at 279, 84 S.Ct., at 725. The
uncertainty arises, of course, because the **2675 judiciary has
traditionally imposed virtually no limitations on the grand jury's
broad investigatory powers. See Antell, The Modern Grand Jury:
Benighted Supergovernment, 51 A.B.A.J. 153 (1965). See also Part
II,
DISSENTING OPINION infra.
After today's decision, the potential informant can never
be sure that his identity or off-the-record communications will
not subsequently be revealed through the compelled testimony
of a newsman. A public-spirited person inside government, who
is not implicated in any crime, will now be fearful of revealing
corruption or other governmental wrongdoing, because he will
now know he can subsequently be identified by use of compulsory
process. The potential source must, therefore, choose between
risking exposure by giving information or avoiding the risk by
remaining silent.
The reporter must speculate about whether contact with a controversial
source or publication of controversial material will lead to
a subpoena. In the event of a *732 subpoena, under today's decision,
the newsman will know that he must choose between being punished
for contempt if he refuses to testify, or violating his profession's
ethics [FN10] and impairing his resourcefulness as a reporter
if he discloses confidential information. [FN11]
FN10. The American Newspaper Guild has adopted the following
rule as part of the newsman's code of ethics: '(N)ewspapermen
shall refuse to reveal confidences or disclose sources of confidential
information in court or before other judicial or investigating
bodies.' G. Bird & F. Merwin, The Press and Society 592 (1971).
FN11. Obviously, if a newsman does not honor a confidence
he will have difficulty establishing other confidential relationships
necessary for obtaining information in the future. See Siebert
& Ryniker, Press Winning Fight to Guard Sources, Editor &
Publisher, Sept. 1, 1934, pp. 9, 36--37.
Again, the commonsense understanding that such deterrence
will occur is buttressed by concrete evidence. The existence
of deterrent effects through fear and self-censorship was impressively
developed in the District Court in Caldwell. [FN12] Individual
reporters [FN13] and commentators [FN14] have noted such effects.
Surveys have verified that an unbridled subpoena power will substantially
*733 impair the flow of news to the public, especially in sensitive
areas involving governmental officials, financial affairs, political
figures, dissidents, or minority groups that require in-depth,
investigative reporting. [FN15] And the Justice Department has
recognized that 'compulsory process in some circumstances may
have a limiting effect on the exercise of First Amendment right.'
[FN16] No evidence **2676 contradicting the existence of such
deterrent effects was offered at the trials or in the briefs
here by the petitioner in Caldwell or by the respondents in Branzburg
and Pappas.
DISSENTING OPINION
FN12. The court found that 'compelled disclosure of information
received by a journalist within the scope of . . . confidential
relationships jeopardizes those relationships and thereby impairs
the journalist's ability to gather, analyze and publish the news.'
Application of Caldwell, 311 F.Supp., at 361.
FN13. See n. 8, supra.
FN14. Recent commentary is nearly unanimous in urging either
an absolute or qualified newsman's privilege. See, e.g., Goldstein,
Newsmen and Their Confidential Sources, New Republic, Mar. 21,
1970, pp. 13--14; Yale Note, supra, n. 2; Comment, 46 N.Y.U.L.Rev.
617 (1971); Nelson, The Newsmen's Privilege Against Disclosure
of Confidential Sources and Information, 24 Vand.L.Rev. 667 (1971);
Note, The Right of the Press to Gather Information, 71 Col.L.Rev.
838 (1971); Comment, 4 U.Mich.J.L.Ref. 85 (1970); Comment, 6
Harv.Civ.Rights-Civ.Lib.L.Rev. 119 (1970); Comment, The Newsman's
Privilege; Government Investigations, Criminal Prosecutions and
Private Litigation, 58 Calif.L.Rev. 1198 (1970). But see the
Court's opinion, ante, at 2660 n. 29. And see generally articles
collected in Yale Note, supra, n. 2.
Recent decisions are in conflict both as to the importance
of the deterrent effects and, a fortiori, as to the existence
of a constitutional right to a confidential reporter-source.
relationship. See the Court's opinion, ante, at 2658--2659, and
cases collected in Yale Note, at 318 nn. 6--7.
FN15. See Blasi 6--71; Guest & Stanzler, supra, n. 9,
at 43--50.
FN16. Department of Justice Memo. No. 692 (Sept. 2, 1970).
The impairment of the flow of news cannot, of course, be proved
with scientific precision, as the Court seems to demand. Obviously,
not every news- gathering relationship requires confidentiality.
And it is difficult to pinpoint precisely how many relationship
do require a promise or understanding of nondisclosure. But we
have never before demanded that First Amendment rights rest on
elaborate empirical studies demonstrating beyond any conceivable
doubt that deterrent effects exist; we have never before required
proof of the exact number of people potentially affected by governmental
action, who would actually be dissuaded from engaging in First
Amendment activity.
Rather, on the basis of common sense and available information,
we have asked, often implicitly, (1) whether there was a rational
connection between the cause (the governmental action) and the
effect (the deterrence or *734 impairment of First Amendment
activity), and (2) whether the effect would occur with some regularity,
i.e., would not be de minimis. See, e.g., Grosjean v. American
Press Co., 297 U.S., at 244--245, 56 S.Ct., at 446-- 447; Burstyn,
Inc. v. Wilson, 343 U.S. 495, 503, 72 S.Ct. 777, 781, 96 L.Ed.
1098; Sweezy v. New Hampshire, 354 U.S. 234, 248, 77 S.Ct. 1203,
1210, 1 L.Ed.2d 1311 (plurality opinion); NAACP v. Alabama, 357
U.S., at 461--466, 78 S.Ct., at 1171--1174; Smith v. California,
361 U.S., at 150--154, 80 S.Ct., at 217--219; Bates v. City of
Little Rock, 361 U.S., at 523--524, 80 S.Ct., at 416--417; Talley
v. California, 362 U.S., at 64--65, 80 S.Ct., at 538--539; Shelton
v. Tucker, 364 U.S. 479, 485--486, 81 S.Ct. 247, 250--251, 5
L.Ed.2d 231; Cramp v. Board of Public Instructions, 368 U.S.
278, 286, 82 S.Ct. 275, 280, 7 L.Ed.2d 285; NAACP v. Button,
371 U.S. 415, 431--438, 83 S.Ct. 328, 337--341, 9 L.Ed.2d 405;
Gibson v. Florida Legislation Investigation Committee, 372 U.S.
539, 555--557, 83 S.Ct. 889, 898--899, 9 L.Ed.2d 929; New York
Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S., at 277--278, 84 S.Ct., at 724--725;
Freedman v. Maryland, 380 U.S. 51, 59, 85 S.Ct. 734, 739, 13
L.Ed.2d 649; DeGregory v. Attorney General of New Hampshire,
383 U.S. 825, 86 S.Ct. 1148, 16 L.Ed.2d 292; Elfbrandt v. Russell,
384 U.S. 11, 16--19, 86 S.Ct. 1238, 1240--1242, 16 L.Ed.2d 321.
And, in making this determination, we have shown a special solicitude
towards the 'indispensable liberties' protected by the First
Amendment, NAACP v. Alabama, supra, 357 U.S., at 461, 78 S.Ct.
at 1171; Bantam Books, inc. v. Sullivan, ,372 U.S. 58, 66, 83
S.Ct. 631, 637, 9 L.Ed.2d 584, for '(f)reedoms such as these
are protected not only against heavy-handed frontal attack, but
also from being stifled by more subtle governmental interference.'
Bates, supra, 361 U.S., at 523, 80 S.Ct., at 416. [FN17] Once
this threshold inquiry has been satisfied, we have then examined
the competing interests in determining whether *735 there is
an unconstitutional |